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North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Issued Quarterly 

Volume XXXVII Numbers 1-4 


Published By 


Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Hugh Talmage Lepler Sarah M. Lemmon 

Frontis Withers Johnston Glenn Tucker 

Robert H. Woody 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph Philip Hanes 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular 
price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and His- 
torical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the 
regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 



1835-1855 __. 1 

George H. Gibson 



Edward W. Phifer 

MENT, 1885-1901 38 

Charles Dennis Smith 

REUREN KNOX LETTERS, 1848-1851 66 

Edited by Charles W. Turner 


Lefler's North Carolina: History, Geography, Govern- 
ment — By Henry S. Stroupe; Dunbar's Historical Geqg- 
raphy of the North Carolina Outer Banks — By 
Winston Broadfoot; Walker's New Hanover County 
Court Minutes, 1738-1769 — By John R. Jordan, Jr.; 
Walker's New Hanover County Court Minutes, Part 
II, 1771-1785— By John Mitchell Justice; Seawell's Sir 
Walter, The Earl of Chatham, or Call Your Next Case— 
By Lawrence F. Brewster ; Caruso's The Appalachian 
Frontier: America's First Surge Westward — By Wil- 
liam T. Alderson; Dingledine's Madison College: The 
First Fifty Years, 1908-1958 — By Francis B. Dedmond ; 
Elmore's A Journey from South Carolina to Connecticut 
in the Year 1809: The Journal of William D. Martin — 
By Carlos R. Allen, Jr.; Burger's and Bettersworth's 


iv Contents 

South of Appomattox — By T. Harry Williams ; Coulter's 
The Journal of William Stephens, 1743-1745— By Wil- 
liam D. Hoyt, Jr. ; Bean's StonewalVs Man: Sandie Pen- 
dleton-— By Bell I. Wiley; Beirne's and Scarff's 
William Buckland, 1734-1774: Architect of Virginia and 
Maryland — By W. S. Tarlton ; Norman's A Portion of 
My Life. Being a Short and Imperfect History Written 
While a Prisoner of War on Johnson's Island, 1864 — 
By John G. Barrett; Quynn's The Constitutions of 
Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis — By Ina 
Woestemeyer Van Noppen; Huhner's Ballads and 
Stories in Verse, The Quest for Happiness, Essays and 
Addresses, Jews in America after the Revolution, Jews 
in Colonial and Revolutionary Times — By Harry Gold- 
en; Nichol's Religion and American Democracy — By 
William H. Poteat; and Hale's Pelts and Palisades: 
The Story of Fur and Rivalry for Pelts in Early Amer- 
ica — By Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 


NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1960 




1835-1855 185 

George H. Gibson 






Henry Belk 

Contents v 


Robert B. House 


AND VERSE, 1958-1959 217 

Daniel W. Patterson 

FICTION, 1958-1959 223 

John Paul Lucas, Jr. 


Richard Walser 


John A. Krout 

REUBEN KNOX LETTERS, 1949-1851 245 

Edited by Charles Turner 


William S. Powell 


Robeson County Medical Auxiliary's Our Medical Heri- 
tage: A History of Medicine in Robeson County — By 
Edward W. Phifer; Clark's Travels in the Old South: 
A Bibliography, Volume III, The Ante-Bellum South, 
1825-1860, Cotton, Slavery, and Conflict — By Rosser H. 
Taylor ; Howard's This is the South-— By George C. Os- 
born; Wellman's They Took Their Stand: The Founders 
of the Confederacy — By David L. Smiley ; Kirwan's The 
Confederacy — By H. H. Cunningham; Warner's Gen- 
erals In Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders — 
By Jay Luvaas; Walker's Vicksburg: A People at War, 
1860-1865— By N. C. Hughes, Jr.; Luvaas's The Mili- 
tary Legacy of the Civil War: The European Inheritance 
— By Glenn Tucker ; Wiley's They Who Fought Here — 
By William S. Powell ; Labaree's and Bell's The Papers 
of Benjamin Franklin, Volume I — By Richard E. Welch, 
Jr. ; Meriwether's The Papers of John C. Calhoun, Vol- 
ume 1, 1801-1817— By Thomas D. Clark; Rubin's Teach 
The Freeman: The Correspondence of Rutherford B. 
Hayes and the Slater Fund for Negro Education, Vol- 
ume I, 1881-1887, and Volume II, 1888-1893— By Sam- 

vi Contents 

uel M. Holton; Gardiner's Mexico, 1825-1828: The 
Journal and Correspondence of Edward Thornton Tay- 
loe — By W. Edwin Hemphill; Walser's Nematodes in 
My Garden of Verse: A Little Book of Tar Heel Poems 
— By Francis B. Dedmond; and Cole's Human History: 
The Seventeenth Century and The Stuart Family — By 
William S. Powell. 


NUMBER 3, JULY, 1960 



George W. Kyte 



Norman C. Delaney 


John G. Barrett 


Daniel J. Whitener 

REUBEN KNOX LETTERS, 1849-1851 „ 397 

Edited by Charles W. Turner 

BOOK REVIEWS __ _ - -319 

Thomas's James Forte, a 17th Century Settlement — By 
Paul Murray ; Eby's The Old South Illustrated, By Porte 
Crayon — By H. G. Jones ; White's Messages of the Gov- 
ernors of Tennessee, Volume V, 1857-1869 — By James 
W. Patton; Burn's History of Blount County, Tennes- 
see; from War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1953 — By 
Robert E. Corlew; Chambers's Stonewall Jackson: The 
Legend of the Man to Valley V, Volume I; Stonewall 
Jackson: Seven Days to the Last March, Volume II — 
By George Osborn; Green's The Stephen Foster Story: 

Contents vii 

A Symphonic Drama — By Martha Pingel; Harwell's 
Kate: The Journal of a Confederate Nurse. By Kate 
Cumming — By H. H. Cunningham; Simonini's Educa- 
tion in the South. Institute of Southern Culture Lectures 
at Long wood College, 1959 — By J. P. Freeman; Bar- 
dolph's The Negro Vanguard — By Tinsley L. Spraggins ; 
Elkins's Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional 
and Intellectual Life — By William A. Settle, Jr. ; Gib- 
son's The British Isles and the American Revolution: 
The Southern Plantations, 17 4-8-17 5 4, Volume II of 
The British Empire before the American Revolution — 
By Carlos R. Allen, Jr. ; Waller's Samuel Vetch: Colonial 
Enterpriser — By Daniel M. McFarland ; Clark's George 
Washington's Navy — By William H. Wroten, Jr. ; Cap- 
pon's The Adams-Jefferson Letters: The Complete Cor- 
respondence Between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail 
and John Adams — By D. H. Gilpatrick ; Stoutenburgh's 
Dictionary of the American Indian — By Stanley A. 
South ; and Conkin's Tomorrow A New World: The New 
Deal Community Program — By George Osborn. 




George H. Gibson 


DURING THE 1850's 488 

John C. Ellen, Jr. 



Ray M. Atchison 



Richard L. Watson, Jr. 

viii Contents 


NORTH CAROLINA, 1845-1850 544 

Edited by James W. Patton 


McKitrick's Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction — By 
Robert H. Woody; Anscombe's / Have Called You 
Friends — By Warren B. Martin ; Singletary's The Mexi- 
can War — By William S. Hoff mann ; Bell's and Crabbe's 
The Augusta Chronicle: Indomitable Voice of Dixit , 
1785-1960 — By John C. Ellen, Jr.; Davis's Louisiana: 
The Pelican State — By Robert C. Reinders; Wiley's A 
Southern Woman's Story: Life in Confederate Rich- 
mond — By Robert C. Cotner ; Wiley's Letters of Warren 
Akin: Confederate Congressman — By H. H. Cunning- 
ham ; Patrick's The Fall of Richmond- — By Jay Luvaas ; 
Gower's and Allen's Pen and Sword: The Life and 
Journals of Randal McGavock — By Mary Elizabeth 
Massey ; Hesseltine's and Smiley's The South in Ameri- 
can History — By Lawrence F. Brewster; Cotner's 
James Stephen Hogg: A Biography — By Henry S. 
S troupe ; Dor son's American Folklore — By Arthur Pal- 
mer Hudson ; Foster's An Errand of Mercy: The Evan- 
gelical United Front, 1790-1837 — By Newell 0. Mason; 
and Hall's Benjamin Franklin and Polly Baker: The 
History of a Literary Deception — By Richard Walser. 


North Carolina State Library 



Volume XXXVII 


Number 1 

Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Frontis W. Johnston Sarah M. Lemmon 

Hugh T. Lefler Glenn Tucker 

Robert H. Woody 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph Philip Hanes 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1921+, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Liter- 
ary and Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00 
receive this publication without further payment. Back numbers may 
be procured at the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — The French Broad River from Strawberry Hill, one 
mile below Asheville. This photograph is one originally owned 
by Chase P. Ambler of Asheville and is in the Appalachian Park 
Collection, State Department of Archives and History. For a 
story on the park movement at the turn of the century, see 
pages, 38-65. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII January, 1960 Number 1 



1835-1855 1 

George H. Gibson 



Edward W. Phifer 

MENT, 1885-1901 38 

Charles Dennis Smith 
REUBEN KNOX LETTERS, 1849-1851 66 

Edited by Charles W. Turner 


Lefler's North Carolina : History, Geography, Government 
— By Henry S. Stroupe; Dunbar's Historical Geogra- 
phy of the North Carolina Outer Banks — By Winston 
Broadfoot; Walker's New Hanover County Court 
Minutes, 1738-1769— By John R. Jordan, Jr.; Walker's 
New Hanover County Court Minutes, Part II, 1771- 
1785 — By John Mitchell Justice; Seawell's Sir Walter, 
The Earl of Chatham, or Call Your Next Case — By 
Lawrence F. Brewster; Caruso's The Appalachian 
Frontier: America's First Surge Westward — By Wil- 
liam T. Alderson; Dingledine's Madison College: The 
First Fifty Years, 1908-1958 — By Francis B. Dedmond; 
Elmore's A Journey from South Carolina to Connecticut 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office 
at Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1897. 


in the Year 1809 : The Journal of William D. Martin — 
By Carlos R. Allen, Jr.; Burgees and Bettersworth's 
South of Appomattox — By T. Harry Williams; Coul- 
ter's The Journal of William Stephens, 1743-1745 — By 
William D. Hoyt, Jr. ; Bean's Stonewall's Man : Sandie 
Pendleton — By Bell I. Wiley; Beirne's and ScarfFs Wil- 
liam Buckland, 173U-177W. Architect of Virginia and 
Maryland — By W. S. Tarlton ; Norman's A Portion of 
My Life. Being a Short and Imperfect History Written 
While a Prisoner of War on Johnson's Island, 186 -4 — By 
John G. Barrett ; Quynn's The Constitutions of Abraham 
Lincoln and Jefferson Davis — By Ina Woestemeyer Van 
Noppen; Huhner's Ballads and Stories in Verse, The 
Quest for Happiness, Essays and Addresses, Jews in 
America after the Revolution, Jews in Colonial and 
Revolutionary Times — By Harry Golden; Nichols' Re- 
ligion and American Democracy — By William H. Po- 
teat; and Hale's Pelts and Palisades: The Story of Fur 
and the Rivalry for Pelts in Early America — By Car- 
los R. Allen, Jr. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII January, 1960 Number 1 


By George H. Gibson* 

Part I 

"South of the Border, Down Mexico Way" could have been 
as big a hit tune in 1835 as it was in 1939. For in 1835 
Americans looked with longing across the Mexican border 
into Texas and, rather than senoritas with flashing eyes, saw 
vast tracts of fertile soil ripe for the plow and the American 

French claim to the area of Texas was established in about 
1685 when a Canadian seigneur planted a colony on the 
Texas coast. The territory was vaguely included in the un- 
charted region known as Louisiana which went to Spain in 
1763, reverted to France in 1801, and was sold to the United 
States in 1803 in the Louisiana Purchase. In 1819 the United 
States Senate ratified a treaty with Spain in which the 
United States gave up its claim to Texas. Spain's hold on 
Texas was of short duration, however, because Texas became 
a province of Mexico in 1821 when Mexico secured its inde- 
pendence from Spain. 

Presidents John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson at- 
tempted to open negotiations for the purchase of Texas. 
Texas was not for sale. The Mexican government was afraid 
it would topple if it sold the territory. Mexico which was too 
poor to develop or defend the land was too proud to sell it. 

A large tract of Texas land was granted to Moses Austin 
in 1821— the first of many grants leading to a large migration 

*Mr. George H. Gibson is a Danforth Fellow and a graduate student in 
United States History at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

[l ] 

2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of Americans into the area. Fifteen thousand Americans 
moved to Texas between 1825 and 1830. By 1835 Texas 
contained 30,000 Americans, 14,000 Indians, and 5,000 Negro 

When the province broke into open rebellion, General 
Santa Anna, dictator of Mexico, marched into Texas and 
annihilated two hundred Texans at the Alamo in March, 
1836. Another group of Texans led by General Sam Houston 
surprised the overconfident Mexicans during a siesta and 
defeated them at San Jacinto in April. Santa Anna promised 
to cease fighting but renounced the promise upon returning 
to the Mexican capital. Texas was thereafter independent 
since the Mexican government was too weak to conquer the 

At the beginning of the Texas Revolt in 1835, some south- 
ern newspapers called for volunteers to fight on behalf of the 
agrarian reformers. Four North Carolina newspapers respond- 
ed to the call by denouncing it. The Whig Raleigh Register 
said, "If people choose to leave their own country to settle in 
a foreign land, they must abide the consequences of their 
own act." The Democratic New Bern Sentinel added, ". . . it 
is a struggle in which we cannot rightfully take part." * 

Texas was too far away for anyone in North Carolina to 
become enthusiastic enough to volunteer for the fighting, 
but the realization that a group of people was struggling to 
be free from alien domination struck a sympathetic response. 
The citizens of Charlotte assembled at the courthouse to cele- 
brate Texas independence. Fireworks were exploded and 
transparencies with the words Liberty, Texas, Houston, and 
Independence were carried through the throng. 2 

The question of officially recognizing Texas as a free and 
independent country was debated in Congress. North Caro- 
lina Senators Bedford Brown and Willie Person Mangum 
endorsed recognition of Texas independence if independence 

1 New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal, October 9, 1835, hereinafter 
cited as Spectator; Western Carolinian (Salisbury), January 16, 1836; 
Raleigh Register and North-Carolina Gazette, November 3, 1835, herein- 
after cited as Raleigh Register; North Carolina Sentinel (New Bern), 
November 4, 1835. 

2 Raleigh Star and North Carolina Gazette, June 16, 1836, hereinafter 
cited as Raleigh Star. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 3 

could be maintained without the assistance of the United 
States. 3 

Although Mexico never re-established its authority over 
Texas after the battle of San Jacinto, sporadic fighting took 
place along the border, angry threats of invasion emanated 
from the Mexican capital, and Mexico maintained that a state 
of war existed between the central government and the 
province of Texas. President Andrew Jackson followed a 
neutralist policy lest the United States be drawn into war. 
By March, 1837, however, relations between Mexico and 
Texas were placid and Andrew Jackson recognized Texas 

The North Carolina newspapers reacted to recognition 
quite differently. In Salisbury a toast was offered on July 
Fourth to "the infant Republic of Texas, may she establish 
her independence without further bloodshed." 4 The Hills- 
borough Recorder referred to Texas as the "Paradise of Lib- 
erty." 5 The New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal 
described the fight between Texas and Mexico as the "war 
of the land speculators" and referred to Texans as the "dross 
and scum of our country." "Alas for the claims of justice 
in this age of corruption," it wailed. 6 The Asheboro Southern 
Citizen thought that the recognition of Texan independence 
was "inconsistent with neutrality, highly improper and no less 
impolitic." 7 

On August 4, 1837, Texas sent a representative to Washing- 
ton with a petition asking for annexation to the United States. 
Although the idea of annexing Texas had been mentioned 
in the North Carolina newspapers, no opinion concerning 
the matter was expressed until after the Texas representative 
made his announcement. The Star, a Whig paper in Raleigh, 
spoke unhesitatingly for annexation. It said that the "annexa- 
tion of Texas is essential to the future safety and repose of 
this Confederacy. . . . Texas will be a valuable acquisition 

3 Register of Debates in Congress (Washington, D. C: Gales and Seaton, 
14 volumes, 1825-1837), XII, 1,530-1,533. 

4 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), July 15, 1837, hereinafter cited as 
Carolina Watchman. 

6 Hillsborough Recorder, July 14, 1837. 
8 Spectator, March 17, April 7, 1837. 

7 Southern Citizen (Asheboro), April 8, 1837, hereinafter cited as South- 
ern Citizen. 

4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to the Union, and its admission, to the South especially, a 
question of the greatest moment." 8 The last sentence of this 
quotation was reprinted without comment in the Raleigh 
Register, another Whig paper. 9 

The Hillsborough Recorder spoke against annexation. "We 
are among those who believe that the event would be one of 
the greatest evils to befall our country." It would be a "breach 
of public faith and honor towards a nation with which we 
are at peace." 10 Two other Whig newspapers, the Asheboro 
Southern Citizen and Charlotte Journal, also supported this 
view. 11 

President Martin Van Buren instructed Secretary of State 
John Forsyth to reject the Texas request for annexation be- 
cause it was inexpedient, unconstitutional, and because Texas 
was still at war with Mexico, a country with whom the United 
States had a treaty of amity. 

The Democratic Tarhoro' Press declared, ". . . the objections 
urged by the Secretary of State against such a step under 
existing circumstances, we view as insuperable." 12 The Star 
lamented, "We believe there are Southern men who oppose 
Texas honestly but, surely they must be aware that they are 
aiding the cause of Abolition." 13 

The discussion of annexation subsided in North Carolina. 
After 1838 the issue dropped out of public discussion entirely 
and was not revived until 1844. 

North Carolina newsmen and congressmen had not been 
generally aroused by the Texas Revolution. Although some 
Whig papers opposed recognizing the independence of 
Texas, most expressions of opinion indicate that North Caro- 
linians favored recognizing Texas as long as it did not involve 
the United States in a war with Mexico. When the question 
of annexation arose, only the Raleigh Star spoke out strongly 

8 Raleigh Star, August 23, 1837. 

9 Raleigh Register, August 28, 1837. 

10 Hillsborough Recorder, August 29, 1837. 

11 Southern Citizen, November 11, 1837; Charlotte Journal, December 15, 

12 7 'arbor o' Press, October 21, 1837. 

13 Raleigh Star, November 8, 1837. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 5 

and repeatedly in behalf of the proposition. 14 Correspondence 
during the period reveals a lack of interest or comment. The 
annexation of Texas was not a political issue in North Caro- 
lina between 1835 and 1838. No political campaigns were 
fought over the issue and no State political party took a stand 
on the question. Nationally the proponents of annexation 
thought they could secure the annexation of Texas when the 
time was more appropriate, and the opponents were glad to 
let the matter rest without further discussion. 

In the fall of 1843, President John Tyler for political rea- 
sons instructed Secretary of State Abel P. Upshur to reopen 
negotiations for the annexation of Texas by treaty. Sam Hous- 
ton, President of Texas, proceeded with caution and deferred 
Upshur's offer. In January, 1844, Upshur assured Houston 
that a two-thirds majority for an annexation treaty could be 
obtained in the Senate, and Houston agreed to negotiate 
the treaty. 

Although no official announcement was made, rumor 
whispered that negotiations for the annexation of Texas were 
in progress. The national political parties had not adopted 
an official position, but some Tar Heel editors began to ex- 
press their opinions. Generally the Democratic presses were 
for annexation, and the Whig presses were against it. 

In the spring of 1844, Henry Clay, prominent Whig Senator 
from Kentucky, visited the South to sample opinion regarding 
political issues and to survey his chances as a presidential 
candidate. He visited Wilmington and Raleigh, North Caro- 
lina. Clay made no reference to Texas in his speech before 
a large gathering in Raleigh on April 17, but in a letter to 
Willie P. Mangum penned the observation, "Indeed through- 

14 Four historians of party politics in North Carolina, Clarence Clif- 
ford Norton, The Democratic Party in Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 1835- 
1861 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1930), 109; 
Herbert Dale Pegg, "The Whig Party in North Carolina, 1834-1861" (un- 
published doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1932), 231; 
Joseph Carlyle Sitterson, The Secession Movement in North Carolina 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1939), 36; Henry 
McGilbert Wagstaff, State Rights and Political Parties in North Carolina, 
1776-1861 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1906), 70, state that a 
majority of North Carolina Whigs favored the annexation of Texas in 
1837. This conclusion is inaccurate. They quote only editorials of the 
Raleigh Star. Other Whig newspapers as quoted above were in complete 
disagreement with the Star. 

6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

out the whole of that portion of the South, which I have 
traversed, I have found a degree of indifference or opposition 
to the measure of annexation which surprized me." 15 Clay's 
observation is interesting because it shows that the annexa- 
tion question was not prominent in the South until it became 
a political issue. 

Shortly thereafter Clay issued a public statement indicating 
his opposition to annexation. Martin Van Buren, candidate 
for the Democratic nomination for the presidency, also ex- 
pressed opposition to annexation, and both he and Clay 
hoped to remove Texas from the list of issues so that the 
presidential campaign could be fought on traditional ground. 

In February, 1844, negotiations between Upshur and 
Houston were proceeding satisfactorily when Upshur was 
killed in a freak accident. John Caldwell Calhoun succeeded 
Upshur as Secretary of State and completed the negotiations. 
The treaty was signed and submitted to the Senate accom- 
panied by a special message from President John Tyler 
urging annexation in the national interest and for the security 
of the southern States. Calhoun at this time wrote a vigorous 
letter to the British government defending the institution 
of slavery. These two events solidified northern abolition 
voters against the treaty. Southern Whig Senators did not 
wish to repudiate Henry Clay, consequently the treaty was 
defeated. Senator Mangum voted against the measure, and 
North Carolina's Democratic Senator, William Henry Hay- 
wood, voted for the measure on June 8, 1844. Congress ad- 
journed without annexing Texas and left the issue open for 
the approaching political campaign. 

The Whigs had come to power in North Carolina in 1835 
on a program of public schools, a deaf and blind institute, 
an insane hospital, State aid to internal improvements, and 
democratic revision of the State constitution. Whig strength 
was largely among the small farmers, merchants, and business 
men of the agricultural western part of the State and the east 
coast. The party leaders were from the wealthy, educated, 

"Henry Thomas Shanks, The Papers of Willie Person Mangum (Ra- 
leigh: State Department of Archives and History, 5 volumes, 1950-1956), 
II, 437, Henry Clay to Willie Person Mangum, April 14, 1844, hereinafter 
cited as Shanks, Mangum Papers. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 7 

aristocratic class. An authority in North Carolina history des- 
cribed the Whigs of the period in this way: 

The Whigs had the more effective party organization, abler 
leaders, more and better newspapers. In national politics North 
Carolina was one of the strongest Whig states in the South. And, 
despite the emphasis of Whig leaders on state improvements, 
national rather than state issues continued to dominate many of 
the political campaigns. 16 

A State Whig Convention was held in Raleigh on Decem- 
ber 7, 1843. William Alexander Graham was nominated for 
governor and Henry Clay was endorsed for president. The 
platform placed emphasis on national issues and supported a 
national bank, sound currency, a tariff for revenue with fair 
protection for American industry, honest and economic ad- 
ministration of the national government, and an equitable 
distribution among the States of the proceeds from the sale 
of public lands. The annexation of Texas was not mentioned 
in the platform. The national Whig Convention met in Balti- 
more on May 1, 1844, and nominated Henry Clay for presi- 
dent and Theodore Frelinghuysen for vice-president. The 
platform made no mention of the Texas question. Whatever 
the annexation sentiment was among the Whigs, it was not 
powerful enough to override loyalty to Clay and a desire 
for Whig harmony. 

Largely out of office since 1835, the North Carolina Demo- 
crats fought hard to obtain political control of the State. The 
Democratic Party drew its strength from the middle eastern 
counties, the tobacco-growing section on the Virginia border, 
and the cotton-growing region on the South Carolina border. 
As a group the Democrats favored a strict interpretation of 
the constitution, State rights, a rigid economy, and govern- 
mental inactivity. 

In Raleigh on December 17, 1843, the party nominated 
Michael Hoke for governor. The platform condemned a 
national bank and protective tariff. It favored properly regu- 
lated State banks based on specie capital. The national Demo- 

16 Hugh Talmage Lefler, History of North Carolina (New York: Lewis 
Publishing Company, 2 volumes, 1956), I, 334-335. 

8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cratic Convention met in Baltimore on May 27, 1844. The 
first dark horse candidate in the nation's history, James Knox 
Polk, born in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, and liv- 
ing in Tennessee, was nominated for president and George 
Mifflin Dallas was nominated for vice-president. They ran 
on a political platform which resolved that "the reoccupation 
of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the earliest prac- 
ticable period are great American measures, which the Con- 
vention recommends to the cordial support of the Democracy 
of the Union." 17 

The annexation issue between the Whigs and the Demo- 
crats was the consequence of a series of circumstances rather 
than a fundamental difference of opinion. John Tyler built 
an issue upon which he thought he could be elected presi- 
dent, but Polk was nominated by the Democrats instead, and 
he inherited the issue. At the time of the national convention, 
the question had not profoundly stirred the political con- 
sciousness. Texas was still remote to most Americans. It was 
up to the politicians and editors to engender interest and 
create an issue for the approaching election. 

North Carolina editors, candidates, and orators discussed 
the Texas question. Whigs said that Texas had a valid claim 
to the territory, and the Democrats countered that Texas was 
a sovereign nation whose independence was recognized. The 
Whigs claimed that to annex Texas would violate treaty 
obligations with Mexico and lead to war; whereas, the Demo- 
crats said war was preposterous. Whig adherents feared a 
breach between North and South that would lead to a dissolu- 
tion of the Union, but the Democrats said Texas could be 
acquired and the Union preserved. According to the Whigs, 
Texas annexation would extend the boundaries of the United 
States beyond reasonable limits, but the opposition averred 
that the United States could never have enough territory. To 
the Whigs, Texans were lawless adventurers and land specu- 
lators, but to the Democrats they were Americans with the 
same heritage as North Carolinians. Whigs feared that Texas 
cotton would flood the domestic market; however, the Demo- 

17 Kirk Harold Porter (comp.), National Party Platforms (New York: 
Macmillan Company, 1924), 6. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 9 

crats declared that if Texas remained independent it could 
fall into Great Britain's economic orbit and the British could 
manipulate cotton prices to the detriment of the South. It 
was believed among Whigs that a large migration to Texas 
could lower land values in the upper South. Democrats want- 
ed to acquire Texas to extend the blessings of democracy. 
The effect of annexation on slavery was not often discussed. 
The Democrats maintained that Texas could be divided to 
balance western States; however, the Whigs declared that 
only one-fourth of Texas was suited to slavery and therefore 
one slave State and three free States could be carved from 
the territory. One Whig orator stated that the extension of 
slavery was not the object of the Whig Party. 

The political campaign of 1844 for the election of a gover- 
nor and an electoral college from North Carolina began in 
May. William A. Graham, Whig candidate in the August 
gubernatorial election, was ill during the month of May and 
his opponent, Michael Hoke, started the canvass in the 
predominantly Whig mountain counties. Born in Lincoln 
County, Hoke represented himself as a candidate of the 
western people and attempted to implant the impression 
that a westerner could vote for a fellow westerner even if 
he were a Democrat. Hoke dwelt on local issues while in the 
mountains. He discussed the removal of a county courthouse, 
the division of an old county to make two new ones, and the 
appointment of officials. Hoke neglected national issues in 
his attempt to impress the mountain folk with the idea that 
he was a good fellow, only incidentally a Democrat, in order 
that he might cut Graham's guaranteed majority in the West 
and then build up his own guaranteed majority in the East. 

In the last half of May, Hoke visited the Piedmont counties 
where, although he spoke largely on topics of local interest, 
he began to discuss national issues. Majorities for Whig can- 
didates were expected during the period from Piedmont 
counties, but the majorities were not as large as in the moun- 
tains. Hoke probably felt that if he were to make any inroads 
into Whig strength in the Piedmont it could be done through 
arguments on national issues. He denounced the tariff, dis- 
tribution, and a national bank. Hoke's approach was largely 

10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

negative in that he tried to destroy the Whig program. The 
Texas question was one on which he had taken a positive 
position, but in Stanly, Cabarrus, and Rowan counties he 
gave no arguments for or against annexation and made Texas 
a side issue. 

By the first of June, Graham recovered from his illness 
and met Hoke for joint debates in the Democratic strong- 
holds of the East. Graham spoke in favor of traditional Whig 
principles and Hoke attempted to crush them. Such a nega- 
tive approach does not produce a lively campaign or an 
enthusiastic following. The Democrats of the East wanted 
something to shout for and not against. Hoke seized upon 
the Texas question as a positive issue and the Democratic 
newspapers and voters supported him enthusiastically. Texas 
became a prominent issue in the East. Democratic meetings 
in practically all the eastern counties passed resolutions 
recommending the immediate annexation of Texas. One 
Whig, writing from Louisburg, declared, "The Political At- 
mosphere in this neighborhood seems to be strongly im- 
pregnated with effluvia from the Ponds of Texas. Polk and 
Dallas are also much boasted of in this Democratic coun- 
ty/' 18 

Graham made an extended trip through the Piedmont 
and mountain counties to promote party harmony, friend- 
ship, and a large Whig turnout at the polls. He proclaimed 
the traditional Whig principles and the dangers of annexa- 
tion. He was accepted wholeheartedly by the West. 

The candidates left the field toward the end of July but 
the newspapers continued to beat the political drums until 
August when the gubernatorial election was held. Graham 
received 42,586 votes and Hoke received 39,433. Graham's 
percentage of the total vote was one-half of one per cent less 
than that of the Whig governor elected in North Carolina 
in 1842. Elections for the Senate and House of Commons of 
North Carolina were held at the same time. In 1842 the 
Democrats had a combined majority of twenty-four seats, 

18 Shanks, Mangum Papers, IV, 163, John B. Bobbitt to Sally Mangum, 
July 27, 1844. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 11 

whereas in 1844 the Whigs obtained a majority of twenty- 
one seats. 19 

The Carolina Watchman, extolling the victory, addressed 
itself to the editor of the North Carolina Standard (Raleigh) 
and said, ". . . you are all done for, and we expect daily to 
hear of your cutting for Texas." 20 

About the first of September Graham made another tour 
through the State thanking the people for their votes and 
urging that the electors of Henry Clay be chosen in the 
November election. Michael Hoke died from malaria con- 
tracted during the gubernatorial canvass and Graham was 
alone in the field as a statewide speaker. Democratic news- 
papers attempted to fill the gap with political editorials and 
exhorted the Democratic voters to go to the polls. Most of 
the campaigning during September and October was done 
on the county level with the Democratic and Whig electors 
meeting at courthouses, country stores, and political clubs. 
The proceedings of these local meetings were seldom re- 
ported in the newspapers and the electors have left no per- 
sonal papers. It can be surmised, however, that they discus- 
sed national potitical issues on the same general lines dis- 
cussed by Graham and Hoke. The Democrats had some hope 
for the results of the national presidential campaign, but 
they had small hope of carrying the State, for it was evident 
to them that the Whigs could maintain their control. 

Henry Clay defeated James K. Polk in the North Carolina 
election. Clay received 43,232 votes and Polk got 39,287. 
There was no significant change in the vote from the August 
election, but Clay's majority was 792 votes larger than Gra- 

Eight gubernatorial and presidential elections were held 
in North Carolina between 1840 and 1848. The Whigs won 
all eight elections. The table below attempts to place the 
election of 1844 in proper arithmetic and historical perspec- 

19 Carolina Watchman, August 31, 1844. 

20 Carolina Watchman, August 10, 1884. 

12 The North Carolina Historical Review 





Majority Percentage 




35,903 21 












34,411 23 












39,287 25 






35,627 26 






41,682 27 






34,869 28 



The mean Whig percentage of total vote is 53.84 per cent. 

One sees the effect of real issues on popular vote when one 
notes that the Whig majority in the presidential election 
of 1840 was based on antipathy to Martin Van Buren. In the 
presidential election of 1848 Zachary Taylor was a southern 
war hero. The Whig decline in the gubernatorial race of 
1848 was due to a State issue involving the abolition of the 
requirement of owning fifty acres of land to vote for State 
senator. Thus the influence of significant issues can be seen 
in election results. 

The Texas question did not seem to influence the results 
of the election of 1844 in North Carolina, for no great change 

21 Journals of the Senate and the House of Commons of the General As- 
sembly of the State of North Carolina at its Session in 18U0-U1 (Raleigh: 
Thomas J. Lemay, 1841), 428, hereinafter cited as Journals of Senate and 

^Edward B. Dudley to General Assembly of North Carolina, November 
28, 1840, Legislative Papers of North Carolina, State Department of 
Archives and History, Raleigh. Robert Digges Wimberly Connor (comp.), 
A Manual of North Carolina, 1913 (Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell Company, 1913), 
996, has a set of returns for the 1840, 1844, and 1848 presidential elections 
in North Carolina which purport to be official; however, they are in- 
accurate for they do not agree with the official returns as contained in 
the State Archives. Only the official records from the Archives are 
quoted in this article. Connor's incorrect returns are widely quoted in 
studies of party politics in North Carolina and have frequently led to 
false interpretations. 

23 Journals of Senate and House, 1842-1843, 546. 

24 Journals of Senate and House, 1844-1845, 477. 

25 Compilation of election returns in Legislative Papers. 

26 Journals of Senate and House, 1846-1847, 356. 

27 Journals of Senate and House, 1848-1849, 458. 

28 William Alexander Graham to General Assembly of North Carolina, 
November 18, 1848, Legislative Papers. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 13 

was made in party voting strength. The issue was more 
prominent than important in the campaign. Indeed this was 
true in the 1844 canvass from a national point of view also. 
A county election map does not show a sectional vote in the 
presidential election. The campaign as a whole was so con- 
fused and the margin of victory so narrow, that Polk can 
hardly be said to have received a mandate on anything, much 
less the acquisition of Texas. 

In his fourth annual message to Congress on December 3, 
1844, President John Tyler declared that the popular elec- 
tion for president showed the opinion of the people toward 
the annexation of Texas and that the election was a mandate 
to acquire that territory. He proposed, therefore, that a 
joint resolution of annexation be passed by Congress. A reso- 
lution was introduced in the House of Representatives which 
North Carolina Whig Thomas Lanier Clingman declared was 
"only intended to make political capital for the southern 
[congressional] elections." Clingman denied that the presi- 
dential election was a mandate for annexation. He declared 
the election was a Democratic fraud which proved nothing. 29 
Kenneth Rayner, another Whig representative from North 
Carolina, stated: 

The proposed annexation, upon mere party grounds, and in 
a shape utterly at variance with the forms of the Constitution, is 
well calculated to alarm every friend of his country, not only 
because it shows an utter disregard of that sacred charter of 
our liberties, but because it threatens us with the horrors of 
war. 80 

John Reeves Jones Daniel of North Carolina said on the 
floor of the House of Representatives that the arguments 
against admitting Texas to the Union were based on too 
narrow an interpretation of the Constitution and, although 
he as a Democrat was a strict constructionist, he believed that 
annexation by joint resolution was constitutional. 31 Senator 

29 Congressional Globe, Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session (Wash- 
ington: Blair and Rives, 1845), XIV, 97, hereinafter cited as Congressional 

80 Congressional Globe, XIV, 359-363. 

81 Congressional Globe, XIV, 189. 

14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

William Henry Haywood of North Carolina introduced a 
resolution into the Senate "for the annexation of Texas to 
the United States and to restore the ancient limits of the 
Republic," but it was one of many rejected by the Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations. 32 The Standard pleaded, 
"We go the full length for Texas. If the measure is lost at 
this session, (which God forbid!) we shall redouble our 
efforts, and call upon every democrat in North Carolina 
to rally for the next effort. . . . We would struggle as if the 
storms and perils of the days of '76 were about us." 33 The 
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian declared, "... he who now op- 
poses annexation . . . will hereafter be regarded as a traitor 
to the welfare of his country." 34 

On January 25, 1845, the House of Representatives passed 
a resolution for the annexation of Texas in a vote of 120-93. 
North Carolina's five Democrats voted with the majority and 
North Carolina's four Whigs voted with the minority. A 
compromise resolution was approved by the Senate 27-25 
with North Carolina's vote split. Haywood was for the joint 
resolution and Mangum was against it.The final vote in the 
House of Representatives on the compromise Senate reso- 
lution was 132 to 76 with North Carolina's representatives 
voting as they had voted previously. 35 The Standard an- 
nounced that the resolution finally passed with "the Whig 
members from North Carolina voting with John Quincy 
Adams and the Abolitionists!" 36 

"It is with a thrill of joy," said the Mecklenburg Jefferson- 
ian, "that we announce to our readers, that the joint Resolu- 
tion has passed." 37 And it was "with a heart filled with over- 
flowing with a pleasure that words cannot express" that the 
Wilmington Journal made the same announcement. 38 How- 
ever, the Carolina Watchman made its announcement "with 

33 Congressional Globe, XIV, 154-159. 

83 North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), February 19, 1845, hereinafter 
cited as Standard. 

84 Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte), February 7, 1845, hereinafter 
cited as Mecklenburg Jeffersonian. 

85 Congressional Globe, XIV, 362, 363, 372. 

86 Standard, March 5, 1845. 

87 Mecklenburg Jeffersonian, March 7, 1845. 

88 Wilmington Journal, March 7, 1845. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 15 

feelings of deep mortification." 39 The Raleigh Register sol- 
emnly predicted that war with Mexico would be one of 
the certain results of annexation, but the Standard said, 
"The prediction of the Register will fall to the ground and 
he will be considered a croaker of the first magnitude." 40 

In June the Texas Congress accepted the terms of the 
joint resolution and called for a constitutional convention 
which met in July and drafted a constitution which was 
adopted by the people of Texas in October by popular refer- 

Let be examined the congressional election of 1845 in 
North Carolina to determine whether the Whig position on 
the annexation of Texas affected the results. In 1842 a Demo- 
cratic majority in the North Carolina General Assembly suc- 
cessfully gerrymandered the State's nine congressional dis- 
tricts so that in the 1843 election the Democrats won five of 
the nine seats in spite of the fact that the Whigs polled a 
total of 33,507 votes while the Democrats received only 
24,197 votes. 41 

In the 1845 congressional election the districts were the 
same as they had been in 1843. The First District was com- 
posed of nine Whig mountain counties. James Graham (a 
brother of Governor William A. Graham ) , who served in the 
House of Representatives from 1833 to 1843, filed as an in- 
dependent Whig two weeks before the August election. 
Graham got the small Democratic vote and split the Whig 
vote to defeat the incumbent Whig Thomas L. Clingman 
by three hundred votes in an election in which ten thousand 
votes were cast. 

In the Second Congressional District Daniel Moreau 
Barringer, Whig, ran a close race with Charles Fisher, Demo- 
crat. Barringer had served in the House of Representatives 
from 1843 to 1845 and Fisher had served from 1839 to 
1841. The campaign was fought over national issues includ- 
ing tariff, expenditures, taxes, corruption in the Post Office 
Department, and the acquisition of Texas and Oregon. Local 

"Carolina Watchman, March 8, 1845. 
40 Standard, March 5, 1845. 

^Tarboro' Press, August 19, 1843; Hillsborough Recorder, August 24, 

16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

issues also were involved. Barringer was accused of failing to 
support the Charlotte branch of the United States Mint in 
a crucial vote in Congress. Whig interest in State internal im- 
provements was criticized by Fisher. Some Whigs were 
dissatisfied with Barringer and wanted a stronger candidate. 
Fisher was an adroit tactician and exploited every conceiva- 
ble issue and was defeated by Barringer by only twenty-six 

The Fourth District was composed of seven counties with 
almost solid Whig constituencies, and two Whigs, Alfred 
Dockery and Jonathan Worth, opposed each other on per- 
sonal issues. One Whig observed, "Dockery and Worth did 
nothing to elevate the character of politics, in their canvass 
for Congress and the number and enthusiasm has been im- 
paired by it." 42 

The Third, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Congressional 
Districts were arranged so that there was a clear Democratic 
majority before the candidates were announced. The Demo- 
crats ran strong men with legislative experience, whereas 
the Whigs realizing that defeat was inevitable had difficulty 
finding persons willing to engage in the contests. A national 
bank, tariff, distribution, support for President Polk, ac- 
quisition of Oregon, and the annexation of Texas were spot- 
lighted as national issues. Appropriation of funds for local 
projects was discussed as the chief local issue. Personalities 
were also involved as demonstrated by the fact that the editor 
of the Washington North State Whig, Henry Dimock, and 
the Democratic candidate in the Eighth District, Henry S. 
Clark, went across the State boundary into Virginia to fight 
a duel over "gross personal abuse." 43 No specific issue 
emerged from the newspaper reports of these perfunctory 
campaigns as a primary consideration in the canvasses. The 
Democrats easily won all districts. 

The Ninth District was represented from 1839 to 1845 
by Kenneth Rayner, a Whig and strong opponent of annexa- 
tion. He decided not to seek re-election in 1845 for personal 

42 James W. Osborne to William Alexander Graham, October 22, 1845, 
William Alexander Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

43 Tarboro' Press, July 16, 1845. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 17 

reasons. William W. Cherry was selected to be the Whig 
candidate against Asa Biggs, prominent lawyer and past 
member of the House of Commons. Cherry died early in the 
campaign and a hassle ensued among three aspirants for his 
position. David Outlaw, also a lawyer and past member of 
the House of Commons, was finally selected as the candidate 
but only after a bitter fight which disaffected and divided 
the Whig strength. Outlaw had once supported an indepen- 
dent treasury and free trade. He now advocated the tradi- 
tional Whig concepts of a national bank and protective tariff 
and was blasted by Biggs for his inconsistency. A Ninth Dis- 
trict Whig lawyer and school teacher confidentially wrote 
in his diary that Biggs was the more capable and intelligent 
man. He lamented the fact that the whole Whig ticket was 
thrown into disrepute when it was discovered that Willis H. 
Riddick, a Whig candidate for solicitor of the judicial district, 
had poisoned his wife. 44 Biggs won by almost 150 votes. It 
would be unrealistic to conclude that the acquisition of Texas 
had any major role in Biggs's victory. His personal strength 
and the dissension among the Whigs must be credited with 
the Democratic victory. 

The Democrats won six seats in Congress and the Whigs 
won three, in spite of the fact that the Whigs garnered a 
total of 41,867 votes to 34,092 for the Democratic candi- 
dates. 45 The Whig majority was reduced from 9,310 in the 
1843 congressional election to 7,775 in the 1845 election. It 
would be unrealistic to conclude that dissatisfaction over the 
Whig policy toward the acquisition of Texas was demon- 
strated in the 1845 election, especially when so many local 
issues and personal factors were involved in the Second and 
Ninth districts where a shift to the Democrats was indicated. 

After the joint resolution passed Congress in March, 1845, 
the Mexican minister to the United States closed his Washing- 
ton office and Mexico severed official connections with the 
United States. President Polk sent troops into Texas to protect 
that country against attack until the annexation could be 

** Entries of August 16, 21, 1845, William D. Valentine Diary, Southern 
Historical Collection. 

46 Hillsborough Recorder, August 28, 1845. 

18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

consummated. In October Polk sent John Slidell as his per- 
sonal representative to restore diplomatic relations with Mexi- 
co. Slidell was to release Mexico from its obligation to pay 
$2,000,000 in claims awarded to United States citizens by a 
mixed commission in return for a Rio Grande boundary line 
for Texas. Slidell was authorized to offer $25,000,000 for 
California. The Mexican government refused to receive Slidell 
or hear his offer. Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor to 
advance from his position on the Nueces River across the 
disputed territory to the Rio Grande which he did on March 
28, 1846. 

President Polk called a cabinet meeting on May 9 and 
announced his wish to prepare a war message for Congress 
since it appeared to him that the United States could collect 
payment of the adjudicated claims only by force. A cabinet 
officer indicated he would feel better satisfied if the United 
States were attacked by Mexico. Then one of the most coin- 
cidental incidents in American history took place. That night 
Polk received a dispatch from General Taylor stating that 
the Mexicans had attacked his cavalry, killed some troops, 
and captured others. Polk now had a case and he prepared 
a war message for Congress in which he declared, "As war 
exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists 
by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every 
consideration of duty and patriotism to vindicate with deci- 
sion the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country." 46 

The Whigs claimed that war would not have come if Polk 
had not sent troops into the disputed territory. The Demo- 
crats offered a bill in Congress to authorize the president to 
accept the services of volunteers and prefaced it with the 
statement, ". . . by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state 
of war exists between that Government and the United 
States." Two North Carolina Whigs voted against the pre- 
amble but voted for the bill as a whole when it passed 174 
to 14. In the Senate Willie P. Mangum stated that he was 

48 James Daniel Richardson (comp.), A Compilation of the Messages and 
Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897 (Washington, D. C: Government 
Printing Office, 10 volumes, 1897), IV, 442. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 19 

opposed to the preamble but voted for the whole bill which 
was adopted 40 to 2. 47 

The editor of the Raleigh Standard rued the day he wrote, 
"Editors who are perpetually croaking about the dangers of 
war in the midst of peace . . . are wanting either in intelli- 
gence, in honesty, or in patriotism." 48 But he covered up his 
error by declaiming fiercely against the Mexicans. America 
has been attacked and "the civilized world will bear witness 
that the people of the United States are not justly responsible. 
. . . Blood has been shed on American soil, and that blood 
must be signally avenged." 49 The Carolina Watchman as- 
serted, "We are in the midst of a war— brought upon us by the 
rashness of James K. Polk." 50 And the Charlotte Journal de- 
clared. "Thus has the country been drawn unnecessarily into 
a war with Mexico." 51 Smarting under the "I told you so" 
attitude of the Whig press, the Standard called the whole 
matter "miserable humbug" and said that if Clay had been 
elected president he could not have done any better. 52 

After making their point, the Whigs took the position that 
since war had come they would join forces with the Demo- 
crats and conclude the war as quickly as possible. 

A gubernatorial election was held in North Carolina in 
1846. William A. Graham ran for a second term against 
James B. Shepard, the Democratic candidate. Graham de- 
fended his administration, supported State internal improve- 
ments, supported the traditional Whig policies on national 
issues, and blamed Polk for the war with Mexico. Shepard 
decried extravagance in State spending and supported the 
Polk administration and the Mexican War. A week before 
the election Democratic Senator William H. Haywood re- 
signed his Senate seat rather than vote against his party on 
a tariff measure. Graham received 43,486 votes to Shepard's 
35,627 votes. The Whigs maintained a majority in both 
houses of the legislature. The Raleigh Standard blamed the 

47 Congressional Globe, Twenty-Ninth Congress, First Session, XVI, 794, 
795, 804. 

48 Standard, December 17, 1845. 
"Standard, May 13, 1846. 

60 Carolina Watchman, May 22, 1846. 
51 Charlotte Journal, May 22, 1846. 
62 Standard, June 10, 1846. 

20 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Democratic loss on Whig lies and slanders, the resignation 
of the "apostate and deserter" William H. Haywood, the war 
with Mexico, and Democratic apathy. 53 The last three reasons 
were probably valid. 

In May, 1846, President Polk requested Governor Graham 
to raise ten companies of infantry. The quota was quickly and 
greatly overfilled, and lots had to be drawn to determine who 
would go to war. The volunteers waited at their homes for 
six months. Then the War Department asked for a regiment 
of volunteers for the duration of the war. Graham's second 
call was met without enthusiasm, and it was January before 
the companies were full. 

A bill to equip the North Carolina volunteers was intro- 
duced in the North Carolina General Assembly and the Whigs 
were able to push it through with a preamble which stated, 
" . . by the action of the Executive and the subsequent sanc- 
tion of Congress, this Republic is involved in a Foreign 
War " 54 

The Mexican War ended on February 2, 1848, with the 
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo which established the southern 
boundary of the United States at the Rio Grande and by 
which Mexico ceded to the United States the territory from 
the Rio Grande to the Pacific Ocean for $15,000,000. 

The Whig platform for North Carolina for the election of 
1848 scolded the Democrats for an "unnecessary and un- 
constitutional Mexican War begun in a spirit of selfish ambi- 
tion, and persisted in with a view to party triumph." 55 The 
Democratic platform endorsed the policy of the national 
administration in fighting the Mexican War, praised those 
who fought in the war, and denounced the Whigs for "en- 
couraging the enemy." 56 

The Democratic candidate for governor, David Settle Reid, 
electrified State politics by advocating the abolition of the 
requirement of owning fifty acres of land to vote for State 
senator. The attention of the State focused on Reid and free 

53 Standard, August 12, 1846. 

54 Journals of Senate and House, 1846-1847, 138, 498, 517, 522. 

55 Raleigh Register, February 26, 1848. 
58 Standard, March 10, 1848. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 21 

suffrage. By strong leadership and organization the Whig 
candidate won the election by 854 votes. Zachary Taylor, 
Whig candidate for president, carried the State by 8,552 

Because of the narrow margin of Whig victory it was ap- 
parent that the Democrats had at last found an issue that 
threatened the long Whig supremacy in the State. In 1850 
the same two candidates ran again on the same issue and Reid 
won by 2,743 ballots. A State issue had been needed by the 
Democrats for years and, now that they had found one, a 
new generation of aggressive, vigorous, young men with a 
forward looking, progressive program marched on to victory 
after victory. 

During the period immediately after the Texas Revolution, 
North Carolinians were content to allow Texas to follow its 
own destiny as an independent republic. When the proposi- 
tion for Texas annexation arose, one newspaper editor advo- 
cated annexation but his advocacy was largely ignored and 
the whole Texas situation was forgotten in the rush of daily 
living. In 1844 annexation was revived by the national Demo- 
cratic Party as a campaign issue. The North Carolina Whigs 
consistently followed a positive State program and the Demo- 
crats were content to snipe at Whig policies. Michael Hoke 
adopted annexation as an issue in his race for governor of 
North Carolina in 1844 and succeeded in making the issue 
prominent but not important. The issue did not significantly 
affect the results of the election. Subsequent elections indi- 
cated that the Whig position on annexation and the Mexican 
War had little or no effect on the election results. It was only 
when a positive program and imaginative leadership emerged 
within the Democratic Party that the Whigs were defeated. 

[To be concluded] 


By Edward W. Phifer* 

Shortly after New Years, 1795, John Brown, a land agent 
from Lewistown, Pennsylvania, appeared in Burke County, 
his pockets sagging with hard money which he had hoped to 
exchange for State currency in order that he might, through 
certain machinations, make purchases of public land. This 
"prock" or proclamation money he found hard to come by. 
The paper money introduced during the Revolutionary and 
Colonial periods had been repudiated and was almost com- 
pletely worthless. In place of continental currency and State 
bills of credit or "state dollars," the legislature had authoriz- 
ed, in 1783 and 1785, the emission of £200,000 of paper 
money. In addition, the State had issued certificates to re- 
munerate soldiers for back pay, for bonuses or for bounty and 
these also were considered acceptable as currency. An occa- 
sional coin of the United States or a few Spanish-milled dol- 
lars circulated in the community and even a note of the Bank 
of the United States at Philadelphia or the Bank of South 
Carolina at Charleston might rarely be encountered. Due 
bills of individuals and certain institutions were utilized by 
people searching frantically for a medium of exchange. 1 

At this time there was not a commercial bank in the State. 
If Brown had returned ten years later he would have found 
the situation little changed. The Bank of the Cape Fear and 
the Bank of Newbern had been chartered in 1804. A branch 

* Dr. Edward W. Phifer is a practicing surgeon in Morganton. This 
article was originally read at the joint meeting of the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association and the Western North Carolina His- 
torical Association, July 25, 1959. 

a A. R. Newsome (ed.), "John Brown's Journal of Travel in Western 
North Carolina, in 1795," The North Carolina Historical Review, XI (Octo- 
ber, 1934), 290-291, and passim; William K. Boyd, Currency and Banking 
in North Carolina, 1790-183U (Historical Papers, Series X, Trinity College 
History Society, 1914), 4-10; Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of 
North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, Raleigh, and Charlotte: The State 
of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by Stephen 
B. Weeks for both The Colonial Records and The State Records'], 1895- 
1914), XXIV, 475, 722. 


Money, Banking, and Burke County 23 

of the Bank of the Cape Fear was established at Salisbury 
in 1808 and by 1814 this same banking house had established 
offices at Charlotte and Salem. But no attempt was made to 
extend banking service west of this Salem-Salisbury-Char- 
lotte line until the agency of the State Bank of North Caro- 
lina was established at Morganton more than ten years later. 2 
Meanwhile, a chaotic and fluctuating currency system existed 
which could only act as a depressant to healthy economic 
advancement. Other factors arose to complicate the currency 
problem and add to the confusion. In the early eighteen 
thirties Morganton was reputed to be a "nest of counterfeit- 
ers," the most notorious of these being a man named Twitter 
who was aided and abetted by his son and also by a certain 
Hooper. As one transient observer wrote waspishly to his 
brother in New England: 

This county [Burke] and that of Bunkome [sic] are situated 
amidst the Blue Ridge and the inhabitants are a set of cut throats 
and savages, with some exceptions. There has been a set of 
counterfeiters, here for more than 20 years, and they have within 
a few weeks seized one of them old Twitter, who has carried on 
the business for nearly forty years [prior to 1833] . 3 

Furthermore, there was a world-wide and nation-wide 
scarcity of gold and silver before 1830 and this was a much 
aggravated condition in agrarian North Carolina. Specie 
flowed from the undeveloped Piedmont, down the navigable 
rivers to the bustling centers of commerce and trade. In west- 
ern Carolina, an excess of imports over exports on both a re- 
gional and national scale, which is technically referred to to- 
day as an "adverse balance of payments," created a constant 
drain on gold coin and the Spanish milled dollar. Emigrants 
carried it with them as they moved further west and like Long 

2 James S. Brawley, The Rowan Story (Salisbury, 1953), 105, 274; Star 
(Raleigh), June 21, 1811; Catawba Journal (Charlotte), January 31, 1826, 
and November 27, 1827; Colin Mclver, The North Carolina Register and 
United States Calendar (Raleigh, 1822), 82; Branson B. Holder, "The 
Three Banks of the State of North Carolina, 1810-1872" (unpublished dis- 
sertation, University of North Carolina Library, 1937), 177n, hereinafter 
cited as Holder, "The Three Banks of the State." 

3 B. C Steiner (ed.), "The South Atlantic States in 1833, as seen 
by a New Englander (Henry Barnard)," Maryland Historical Magazine, 
XIII (1918), 344-345. 

24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

John Silver's parrot, Cap'n Flint, the merchants and farmers 
in the western counties cried out continuously for "pieces of 
eight." In spite of all this, the three years prior to 1818 were 
considered to be years of extraordinary trade activity in 
North Carolina. 

Finally, in 1810 a charter had been granted to permit the 
establishment of The State Bank of North Carolina with a 
threefold purpose in mind: 

First, to retire the State treasury emissions of 1783 and 
1785 with simultaneous issuance of State Bank notes which 
would circulate at par value outside the State as well as in- 

Second, to create revenue for the State, which would be 
derived from the dividends on the bank stocks it had pur- 

And lastly, to unify the banking system of the State through 
absorption of the two other banks then in operation within 
the State— namely, the Bank of Cape Fear and the Bank of 

The principal office of the State Bank was established at 
Raleigh with William Polk, a cousin of James K. Polk, as the 
first president and with Jacob Johnson, the father of President 
Andrew Johnson, as the first janitor. Branches were initially 
placed at Wilmington, Fayette ville, Edenton, New Bern, 
Tarboro, and Salisbury. The capital of the bank, including 
all its branches, was not to exceed $1,600,000 divided into 
one hundred dollar shares. The westernmost branch at Salis- 
bury was capitalized at $200,000. In 1817 a branch of the 
Bank of the United States was located at Fayette ville. 4 

Thus the matter rested until the middle of the eighteen 
twenties when an agency of the State Bank was established 
at Morganton with William Willoughby Erwin as agent. 
About sixty years of age, Erwin had been Clerk of the Su- 
perior Court of Burke County for forty years. An active 
churchman, father of a large family and successful business- 
man-farmer, he gave to the office integrity and respectabili- 
ty, but there is no reason to presume that he had any prior 
knowledge of banking. Furthermore, these were trying 

4 Holder, "The Three Banks of the State," 101, 206, 407-408. 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 25 

times in the banking business. The period from 1826 until 
the middle 'forties was a time of financial distress in North 
Carolina. Economic conditions had improved in 1823 follow- 
ing the collapse of 1819, but by 1826 a state of economic 
depression had again set in exemplified by low farm prices 
and emigration from the State. The bank had paid a dividend 
of 10 per cent in 1817 with a 17 1-2 per cent extra dividend 
and had continued to pay 8-10 per cent until 1827 when the 
dividend was reduced to 61-2 per cent and in 1828 to 2 1-2 
per cent. 5 

After that, "the bloom was definitely off the rose." Soon it 
began to curtail its operations and call in its loans preparatory 
to liquidation, and it announced publicly in May, 1829, that, 
"Col. Isaac T. Avery has been appointed to close the business 
of the office of Discount of the State Bank at Morganton, 
in the place of Col. William Erwin, resigned. . . ." 6 Avery was 
William Erwin's son-in-law, and at forty-four years of age 
was a prosperous farmer and widely-known State politician. 
Apparently, however, his only previous contact with the 
banking business had occurred in the legislative session of 
1810 when he had cast his vote as a representative against 
chartering The State Bank of North Carolina. Yet it became 
his duty to liquidate the holdings of this Bank and almost 
simultaneously to establish an agency of a new bank called 
The Bank of the State of North Carolina, which was charter- 
ed in 1833 and began operations in 1834. At the time of 
Avery's appointment in 1829, the Morganton agency held 
discounted notes equal to slightly less than $90,000, of which 
amount it was estimated that the bank would fail to recover 
almost $12,000. This estimated loss was slightly greater than 
the estimated loss on notes held by all branches of the bank. 
The Morganton agency held no real estate or bills of ex- 
change, however, where the estimated loss was 23 per cent 
and 52 per cent respectively. The estimated loss on total 
assets of the bank was 14 per cent which is approximately 
the same as that of the Morganton agency. In spite of all 

5 Legislative Document, 1831-1835, Number 8, "Report of Select Com- 
mittee on Amount of Dividends and Bonuses." 

6 North Carolina Free Press (Tarboro), May 15, 1829. 

26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

this, the ultimate sum total of the liquidating dividends on 
the State Bank stock amounted to at least $100 a share. 7 

When the second State bank began operations in 1834, 
Isaac T. Avery was elected cashier of the Morganton agency 
and Adolphus Lorenzo Erwin, a Morganton lawyer and Wil- 
liam W. Erwin's oldest son, was elected president. The main 
functions of the agency were to make loans and receive de- 
posits since it was not authorized to issue bank notes— an 
operation which was performed only by the branches. In 
1844 Adolphus Erwin moved from Morganton to Pleasant 
Gardens, McDowell County, and Robert Caldwell Pearson 
was elected president of the Morganton bank. Pearson was 
an able executive with a reputation for probity and he pilot- 
ed the bank through some of its most profitable years. 8 

Throughout the 'thirties, the Bank of the State was whip- 
sawed by political controversy and economic depression. 
Capitalized at $1,500,000, it began operation in 1834 with 
four branches and five agencies none of which were in the 
west except those at Charlotte and Morganton. 9 Duncan 
Cameron was elected president of the principal bank at 
Raleigh and Charles Dewey was elected its cashier. On Sep- 
tember 26, 1833, United States President Andrew Jackson 
issued an order for the transfer of the deposits of the federal 
government from the Bank of the United States to certain 
State banks which he designated. This was the climatic move 
in his conflict with Nicholas Biddle, the president of The 
United States Bank. Jackson's enemies felt that this precipi- 
tant action had an unsettling effect on the economy of the 
nation and was largely responsible for the contraction of 
credit which occurred during the 'thirties. Says a modern 
authority with the wisdom of hindsight, "The current distress 
was due, moreover, not merely to the amount of credit cur- 

7 Holder, "The Three Banks of the State," 251-254. 

8 Turner and Hughes, North Carolina Almanac, 1838-1860, passim. 
"Branches were at New Bern, Fayetteville, Tarboro, and Elizabeth City. 

Agencies were at Charlotte, Morganton, Leaksville, Milton, Windsor, and 
Wilmington. The only records that have been preserved from either of 
the branches or agencies of either of the three banks are those of the 
Elizabeth City branch of which John C. Ehringhaus was cashier. 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 27 

tailment but to the destruction of confidence." 10 Undeniably 
Jackson's act destroyed the federal system of central banking 
and left the nation bereft of any instrument with which to 
create and maintain a uniform, stable currency. Business 
leaders in western North Carolina felt that this was a par- 
ticularly critical period for their section. They were extremely 
anxious to develop the gold-mining industry and were in 
dire need of credit expansion to produce capital for the en- 
terprisers. Instead they found the State banks, as well as 
the federal bank, calling in their loans and notes in anticipa- 
tion of liquidation and the newly chartered banks of the 
State were not yet in operation. This created an abnormal 
scarcity of currency and credit. In the fall of 1833 it was noted 
that "Bills of exchange drawn on the house of James Hamil- 
ton and Son, by the Gold Mining Company of Burke, consist- 
ing of Robards, Turner, Robert Hamilton and P. Hamilton, 
and payable to the Chemical Bank at New York, have been 
put in circulation in the western part of the State, and from 
the known wealth and integrity of the company and the 
great dearth of State money, are answering a great public 
convenience." n This generous gesture afforded some relief 
but the effect was partially vitiated due to the fact that these 
bills were not acceptable for taxes, could not be considered 
currency by the banks, and therefore always circulated at a 
discount. The people were forced to resort to outmoded and 
risky methods of exchange as when Thomas Lenoir took a 
personal note "payable in Salt at $2.00 pr. bu." and reluct- 
antly accepted "a very ragged bad looking S. C. [South Car- 
olina] bank Bill" as payment on a personal note which he was 
holding. 12 It became necessary to pay for goods and services 
with promissory notes and leading merchants accumulated 
these in large numbers. Loans made by the agency of the 

10 Bray Hammond, Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution 
to the Civil War (Princeton, 1957), 435, hereinafter cited as Hammond, 
Banks and Politics in America. 

11 Free Press (Tarboro), November 15, 1833. 

32 Thomas Lenoir Diary, 1833-1849, intermittent, entries of June 16, 
1834, and January 3, 1835, Lenoir Family Patters Southern Historical 
Collection University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 







Money, Banking, and Burke County 29 

bank were often in default and it was common practice to 
resort to the courts for collection. 13 

Bank note speculators or brokers operated in the vicinity 
but "were largely concerned in the trade with Georgia 
Money. . . ." It must be explained that because of the short- 
age of United States and North Carolina bank money, there 
was a heavy influx of bank notes from adjoining States. How- 
ever, the Bank of Macon had failed a short time before and, 
consequently, "Georgia Money" was not acceptable to many 
people in this locality. As one contemporary Burke County 
writer put it, "a Miner would perish in this Community, with 
his pockets full of Chatahooche Isicl Notes. . . ." 14 Nor did 
it help matters any, when, in 1834, the United States Mint 
established a new ratio of silver to gold of sixteen to one. 
This undervalued silver and drove it out of the country. 

In March, 1834, Morgantonian Samuel Hillman, with a 
canny eye for blaming the "mess in Washington" on President 
Jackson, wrote indignantly to Senator Mangum: 

I stated to you in my last that the notes of the Bank of 
United State's were fast receding from circulation among us, 
that our local banks are on the eve of winding up their business 
and had been for some years collecting in their notes, that the 
agency of the State Bank at this place had been discontinued — 
and that a note on either of our State Banks was now rarely to 
be met with — I stated further that our principal markets were 
Charleston and Augusta and that for some time past our prin- 
cipal circulating medium in this part of the State had consisted 
of Georgia and South Carolina Bank notes — That since the re- 
moval of the Deposits the usual Bank accommodations were with- 
held at both those market towns the consequence of which had 
been a great depression in the price of produce and that South- 
ern money was becoming very scarce and that we were left al- 
most entirely without a circulating medium. 15 

M See Erwin-Avery Papers, in possession of Adelaide Erwin White, Mor- 
ganton; see also Henderson-Caldwell Papers, Southern Historical Collec- 
tion, hereinafter cited as Henderson-Caldwell Papers. Items in these two 
collections verify the prevalence of negotiable personal loans and the fre- 
quency of court actions to collect the bank's loans. 

"Henry T. Shanks (ed.) The Papers of Willie Person Mangum (Raleigh: 
State Department of Archives and History, 5 volumes, 1950-1956), II, 107- 
111, Isaac T. Avery to Willie P. Mangum, February 28, 1834, hereinafter 
cited as Shanks, Mangum Papers. 

15 Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 112-115, Samuel Hillman to Mangum, 
March 1, 1834. 

30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Because of the removal of the deposits, large-scale farmers 
as well as business and professional people of the county 
quickly became disenchanted with the Jacksonians, and mov- 
ed to defend the national bank. In a public meeting at the 
courthouse during the January term of court, 1834, resolu- 
tions were adopted condemning the act and petitioning Con- 
gress for counteraction. 16 These resolutions were widely pub- 
licized and were presented to the United States Senate by 
Senator Willie P. Mangum. Senator Bedford Brown, a Jack- 
son supporter, denied that the resolutions represented the 
sentiment of the majority of the people of Burke County 
and they were denounced by the Jacksonians and by Senator 
John Forsyth of Georgia in particular. Whereupon, a second 
meeting was convened during March term of court, at the 
courthouse in Morganton, when a second set of resolutions 
were adopted, the right of petition defended, and the be- 
havior of Brown and Forsyth condemned. The resolutions 
committee particularly found cause to vent their spleen on 
Senator Forsyth who evidently had referred to their initial 
document as "a miserable petition gotten up by pot house 

Actually, the petition was supported by the best informed 
men in the community including the former congressman 
Samuel P. Carson; his brother, the physician John W. Carson; 
the lawyers Adolphus Erwin, Samuel Hillman, Burgess S. 
Gaither, and William Roane: the schoolteacher William 
Greenway; the merchant John Caldwell; the local bank cash- 
ier Isaac T. Avery; the clerk of the county court Joseph J. 
Erwin; and the successful farmers William Dickson, Charles 
McDowell, David Corpening, and William B. Hawkins. 17 The 
most able local champion of the administration position was 
Joshua Forman of Rutherfordton. 18 

16 Twenty-Third Congress, First Session, House Document Number 117; 
Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 82 n. 

17 Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 81-83, 112-115, Samuel Hillman to 
Mangum; II, 107-111, Isaac T. Avery to Mangum; 127-130, copy of Burke 
County Resolutions; 135-137, John W. Carson to Mangum; Henderson- 
Caldwell Papers, Folder Number 11, G. W. Stinback to John Caldwell. 

18 Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 107-111, Avery to Mangum, February 28, 
1834. Joshua Forman (1779-1848) came to North Carolina in 1829, having 
already distinguished himself in his native New York by his bold resource- 
fulness and energy in matters pertaining to industry, commerce, and fi- 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 31 

With this economic picture in the background, it is not 
difficult to imagine the handicaps under which the Morgan- 
ton bank labored in managing its loans and discounts and the 
hazards to which it was subjected in executing currency ex- 
change. However with regard to the old problem of metallic 
reserves, it was now placed in a most favorable position due 
largely to its geographical location. The banks at Charlotte 
and Morganton were the only branches or agencies in the 
gold-mining area. Gold was first discovered in Burke and 
Rutherford Counties in 1828 but it was not until July 31, 
1829, that yields became sufficiently large to entice the Mor- 
ganton bank to begin to engage in the purchase of bullion. 
In a period of eight months thereafter, the agency purchased 
300,000 pennyweight of gold bullion at eighty-four cents a 
pennyweight and in the months immediately following this, 
the purchases averaged in value more than one hundred dol- 
lars a day. 19 Large purchases continued to be made until 1835, 
when "the high price of cotton drew off the greater portion 
of the [labor] force to the southwest." 20 Nevertheless, some 
bullion continued to be bought by the bank until well into the 
eighteen forties. Contemporary accounts of how these gold 
transactions were handled are unusually vague but from them 
the careful reader can glean a general impression. It seems 
fairly definite that the bank purchased bullion at the mint 
value and was compensated for the interest on the "advance" 
which it made to the seller and for the "risque of transporta- 
tion" by receiving a premium on the mint certificate which, 
in turn, it received from the mint in payment for the gold. 21 
Prior to 1835 the gold was minted at Philadelphia but after 
this date it was handled at the branch mint in Charlotte. Due 

nance. His keen perception of banking is well demonstrated by the state- 
wide Safety Fund Act which he proposed in New York and which was 
adopted with some modifications. The act embodied the seminal principles 
of deposit insurance which were finally utilized by the Franklin Roosevelt 
administration in 1933 and have been an important adjunct to the banking 
system of the nation since that time. Hammond, Banks and Politics in 
America, 556-559. 

M Twenty-Second Congress, First Session, House Report Number 39, 23, 
Isaac T. Avery to S. P. Carson, April 3, 1830. 

20 John H. Wheeler, "Report on Gold Mines of North Carolina," The 
American Almanac, 1841 (Boston: David H. Williams), 211-217. 

21 Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 107-108, Avery to Mangum. 

32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to this traffic in gold, the Morganton bank was relatively im- 
mune to the antics of the bank note brokers, so long as most 
of the other banks in the nation remained on a specie pay- 
ing basis, but once this ceased to be the case, any bank which 
attempted to maintain specie payments suffered an alarming 
drain on its gold reserves. Accordingly, the Bank of the State 
of North Carolina did suspend specie payments in 1837, 1839 
to 1842, and for a short time in 1857. 

The depression beginning in 1837 struck bottom in 1842. 
The low point in note circulation, number of banks in the na- 
tion, specie on hand, and loans made, all occurred in this year. 
Some time prior to 1846, the Morganton agency was convert- 
ed to a branch bank with a capitalization of $100,000. 22 As 
early as 1846, it began to circulate its own currency. 23 Ac- 
cording to the charter, the note circulation of each branch 
of the Bank of the State of North Carolina was limited to 
twice the amount of paid-in capital. The note circulation 
of each branch was reported annually and these figures show 
that the circulation of the Morganton branch never exceeded 
$180,000 and often was below $100,000. Usually the circula- 
tion of all branches combined was less than $1,500,000. 24 

Thus it can be seen that at no known time did the Morgan- 
ton branch exceed its privileges under the charter with re- 
gard to currency circulation. The decrease in the late years 
was associated initially with the depression of 1857 and 
subsequently with the anticipated expiration of the charter. 
In the early history of the State Bank, it was bitterly criticized 
for making large loans to directors and major stockholders. 
In November, 1844, the Morganton branch reported that of 
all "Bills and Notes Discounted" there was "due by Directors 
$4,700.00" and "by other Stockholders none." This is the only 

22 J. B. D. DeBow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western 
States (New Orleans, 1852), 176. 

23 Photocopies of notes of Morganton branch dated 1846 are in possession 
of writer, as are copies of several borrower's notes and stockholders certi- 

24 Legislative Documents, 1854-1855, Document Number 7, 15; Legislative 
Documents, 1857-1858, Document Number 23, 25; Legislative Documents, 
1858-1859, Document Number 23, 75; Legislative Document, 1860-1861, 
Document Number 14, 75. Note circulation for Morganton branch each 
November was as follows: 1849-$123,015; 1851-$178,362; 1853-$167,016; 
1854-$155,438; 1857-$95,000; 1858-$93,224; 1859-$91,798. 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 33 

extant record of this type of report from the Morganton 
branch. 25 

Due to the fact that the stockholders could not be satisfied 
with regard to the terms of the renewed charter, it became 
necessary to liquidate the Bank of the State in 1860. This 
process was carried out without difficulty. The period from 
1850 to 1860 had been one of great prosperity in North Caro- 
lina and the bank was in excellent condition. Its assets and 
obligations were transferred to a newly chartered bank, 
which was called The Bank of North Carolina, after liquidat- 
ing dividends amounting to 104 per cent had been paid to its 
stockholders. During the late 'thirties and 'forties, it had paid 
an annual dividend of five per cent to eight per cent after 
taxes and during the prosperous 'fifties it had paid 10 per cent 
to 15 per cent annually. 26 

The new bank was capitalized at $2,500,000. George W. 
Mordecai, who had served as president of the Bank of the 
State since the retirement of his father-in-law, Duncan Cam- 
eron, in 1849, became president of the Bank of North Caro- 
lina when it was chartered in 1859. The charter stipulated 
that the issuance of notes be limited to twice the paid-in 
capital or three times the specie reserve, whichever proved 
to be smaller. Branches were established at Wilmington, Fay- 
etteville, Tarboro, Windsor, Milton, Charlotte, Morganton, 
and later at Salisbury and New Bern. Agencies were estab- 
lished at Statesville, Goldsboro, and Warrenton. An initial in- 
complete stock subscription of $60,000 was obtained in the 
town of Morganton. The branch located there was capitalized 
at $150,000. The directors were Thomas George Walton, Dr. 
Samuel Tate, William M. Walton, John Rutherford, and 
William Crawford Erwin. The president of the bank, Thomas 
G. Walton, was to receive a salary of five hundred dollars a 
year and the cashier, Edward Jones Erwin, was to receive 
a salary of twelve hundred dollars a year. 27 Erwin was a son 
of the first agent of the State Bank; was a brother of Adol- 

25 Legislative Documents, 1844-1855, Document Number 23, November 
23, 1844. 

8e Hershal L. Macon, "A Fiscal History of North Carolina, 1776-1860," 
376 (doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina Library). 

87 Thomas G. Walton Papers, Box 2, University of North Carolina Library. 

34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

phus Erwin, the first president of the Bank of the State; and 
was a brother-in-law to Isaac T. Avery, the recently retired 
agent and cashier of the Morganton bank. The president, 
Thomas G. Walton, and the director William M. Walton were 
brothers, and were sons of Thomas Walton, a prosperous 
merchant. William C. Erwin was a merchant-farmer and a 
brother-in-law to Thomas G. and William Walton. The other 
two directors were not close relatives of the coterie that had 
controlled the bank since its conception, thirty-five years 
before. Tate was a retired physician and land speculator, 
Rutherford was a wealthy farmer with his home at Bridge- 
water on Muddy Creek. 28 

The Bank of North Carolina had a short life. All of its 
branches and agencies were closed by August 9, 1865. With 
the collapse of the Confederacy it became obvious that the 
banks of the South could no longer continue to operate. The 
assets of the Bank of North Carolina consisted largely of notes 
and bonds of the State of North Carolina and of the Confed- 
erate States, all of which were worthless. Its slow process of 
liquidation continued for long after the war and was not 
complete until 1874. 

As has been seen, the Morganton bank of the ante-bellum 
period was a very small and insignificant financial institution 
when judged by present-day standards, but, of the large 
number of commercial banks which have subsequently serv- 
ed the area, none were so urgently needed or performed so 
many vital functions under such adverse circumstances. 

Even its structure was awkward. For forty years it operated 
in a continuous fashion— first as an agency and later as a 
branch— bound by three different charters, confused by re- 
peated liquidations and reorganizations, baffled by its tenu- 
ous relationship to its fellow-branches and to other banks. Its 
economic environment was never secure. The currency lack- 
ed either uniformity or stability, and the economy often fol- 
lowed the rule of "boom and bust." After the destruction of 
the federal Bank, a system of central banking no longer exist- 

28 Seventh Census of the United States, 1860, Schedule One (Free In- 
habitants), Burke County, microfilm copy, State Department of Archives 
and History. 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 35 

ed in the Nation; such regulation of currency and credit as 
existed was largely the responsibility of the State banks— 
and many of these were totally irresponsible. During the time 
that the Bank of the United States functioned as a federal 
bank, it was able to stabilize the currency by presenting bank 
notes for specie payment to any bank that appeared to be 
overstepping its bounds. But the Morganton bank functioned 
only a short time under this system. 

Furthermore, it must be remembered that banks were view- 
ed with suspicion and distrust by the yeoman farmers of the 
back-country counties. Burke was no exception. All three of 
their State legislators had voted against the State Bank Bill 
of 1810 and Mark Brittain, a Burke County legislator, had 
been a signer of the Potter Report which had flagrantly at- 
tacked the bank in the legislative session of 1828. 29 

As far as can be determined, the Morganton bank perform- 
ed three major functions in the economic community in which 
it existed: the extension of deposit credit and bank note 
credit through loans, the purchase and sale of exchange, and 
the purchase of gold bullion. "The essential banking func- 
tion" is, according to Bray Hammond, "the creation of credit 
to be transferred by check and to serve as money." 30 There is 
little available evidence to suggest that either checks or 
checking accounts were widely used by the patrons of the 
Morganton bank. Loans were customarily extended in the 
form of bank notes, in contradistinction to deposit credit. It 
is a reasonable assumption that the agency at Morganton 
issued the notes of the principal bank at Raleigh prior to the 
time that it began to issue its own notes. Loans were ordinar- 
ily made for eighty-eight days or six months; the charters re- 
stricted the interest charges to six per cent per annum which 
was retainable in advance. Borrower's notes were made out 
payable to the cashier and were not negotiable at the bank 
unless so stated on the face of the note. There were no re- 
strictions on the total amount of loans the bank could make. 
Loans were supposed to be automatically controlled, how- 
ever, by the restrictions placed on the issuance of bank notes. 

"Yadkin and Catawba Journal (Salisbury), January 27, 1829. 
"Hammond, Banks and Politics in America, 194-195. 

36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

For example, the charter of the second bank restricted notes 
to twice the amount of its paid-in capital and the charter of 
the third bank to twice the amount of capital as well as to 
three times the amount of specie reserve. Thus the principal 
of reserve requirements was evidently recognized. The issu- 
ance of bank notes was an important function of the Morgan- 
ton bank for it not only provided a method of credit exten- 
sion but also furnished a circulating medium for Burke Coun- 
ty and adjacent areas. The bank was required by the charter 
to redeem its notes in specie. However, the notes were re- 
deemable only at the branch of issue. Thus, the Morganton 
bank was required to redeem only the notes issued at Mor- 
ganton; in this respect each branch of the bank was autonom- 
ous. No notes were issued for less than three dollars by the 
second bank and none for less than five dollars by the third 
bank. As a consequence, since Bechtler's coins were issued in 
one-dollar, two-and-one-half -dollar, and five-dollar denomi- 
nations, there was little overlapping and less tendency for the 
bank notes to drive the gold coins out of circulation. Likewise 
the purchases of gold bullion executed by the bank at Mor- 
ganton during the eighteen thirties and early 'forties strength- 
ened the banking system of the State; this steady building 
up of metallic reserve played a vital role in counteracting the 
chronic adverse balance of payments which had plagued the 
State Bank during the early years. 

So it is obvious that the bank necessarily performed several 
important functions of an essential nature which are outside 
the field of operations of the modern day commercial bank- 
functions which are now relegated to the Federal Reserve 
Banks. By the same token, our modern banks offer services 
that were not even considered by the ante-bellum banking 
house such as letting of safe deposit boxes, managing of trust 
funds, receiving savings accounts, and providing investment 

A final glance at the over-all administration of the Mor- 
ganton bank is in order. It has been authoritatively stated 
that there occurred no "instance of dishonesty or breach of 
trust on the part of one of its officers" 31 and nothing has been 

81 Banker's Magazine, XIII (April, 1859), 824. 

Money, Banking, and Burke County 37 

recorded that would tend in any way to contradict this ap- 
praisal. It is a certainty, however, that the persistent practice 
of nepotism in the bank's officers and directors restricted 
its sphere of influence to a marked degree in a geographical 
area where there was little or no competition. 32 Even though 
they may have been sufficient and devoted servants of the 
bank, it still gave much the appearance of a family operation 
to the potential customer who had no representation in the 
management and might well live a hundred miles away. In 
spite of this flaw, it cannot be denied that the bank served 
as a solitary outpost that created credit in the western Pied- 
mont where "steam and credit" were the crying needs of the 

82 No other bank existed in the State west of Charlotte and Salisbury 
until 1845 when the Bank of the Cape Fear opened an office in Asheville. 
Additional banks did not come into the area until 1860. 



By Charles Dennis Smith * 

Although thousands of people make the acquaintance of 
the Great Smoky Mountains National Park each year, no 
historical markers spell out to them the story of the heroic 
struggle of a band of Asheville citizens and their supporters 
who, long before the present park was created, dreamed of 
the day when the scenic beauties of western North Carolina 
would be preserved for posterity. Today, as one walks the 
Appalachian Trail which pierces the heart of the Appala- 
chians and holds them in a timeless proprietorship, the ques- 
tion comes to mind: From whence came the first expressions 
of a need for a national park in western North Carolina? In- 
deed one listens wonderingly to the lingering faint echoes 
of the cry which rang so strongly through these forests at 
the turn of the century: Why was this cry not heeded at the 

As we look back down the trail to the year 1885 there is 
clearly visible the first advocation in print of the establish- 
ment of a national park in the Appalachians. It is literally 
what the doctor ordered! In a paper discussing the moun- 
tains of western North Carolina as a health resort and read 
before the American Academy of Medicine in New York on 
October 29, 1885, Dr. Henry O. Marcy, a physician of Bos- 
ton, said: 

The pure air, water and climate hold out a hopeful helpful- 
ness to invalids from every land. The wise legislator, seeking 
far-reaching results, would do well to consider the advisability of 
securing, under state control, a large reservation of the higher 
ranges as a park. Its cost, at present, would be merely nominal. 
Like the peaks and glaciers of Switzerland, its sanitary advan- 
tages would be of a value incalculable to millions yet unborn. x 

* Dr. Charles Dennis Smith is a Project Engineer, The Mitre Corporation, 
Lexington, Massachusetts. 

1 From a reprint of Dr. Marcy's paper, "The Climatic Treatment of 
Disease: Western North Carolina as a Health Resort," appearing in the 
Journal of the American Medical Association (Dec. 26, 1885), Appalachian 
National Park Association Collection, North Carolina State Department 
of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter cited as Appalachian Park 


Appalachian National Park Movement 39 

What process was to be employed in securing national title 
to this land, which had long since passed into private hands, 
was not mentioned. 

By 1892 destruction of the forests in the Southern Appala- 
chians was disturbing visitors there and one such vacationist 
noted that the once magnificent view from the summer re- 
sort on the summit of Roan Mountain, North Carolina, had 
been marred within the past twenty years by the cutting of 
the forests in the Toe Valley leading down from the moun- 
tain. Pointing out that Roan Mountain, lying eighty miles 
northeast of Asheville, was only thirty hours ride from New 
York, his home town, the visitor complained that in Toe Val- 
ley ". . . twenty sawmills and a dozen tanneries strung along 
the line of the narrow gauge railroad have done their work 
effectively." 2 

Referring to the New Yorker's comment in an editorial in 
Garden and Forest, Charles S. Sargent became the first per- 
son to present in print a plan for the creation of a national 
forest reservation in the Southern Appalachian Mountains. 
The year previous, Joseph A. Holmes, 3 State Geologist of 
North Carolina, had suggested to Gifford Pinchot the idea of 
such a great national forest reservation in that area. While he 
envisioned a similar purchase by the United Sattes govern- 
ment of a large tract of land for the purpose of practicing 
forestry on it his idea was not publicized at the time. Doubt- 
less the current Pinchot-directed Biltmore Forest experiment 
in practical forestry had a great deal of influence on the 
thinking of both Pinchot and Holmes in regard to a similar 
federal project. Sargent, however, whatever his source of in- 
spiration, was the first to give prominence to the idea of a 
southern national forest reserve. 4 

2 "Roan Mountain — A Summer Resort," Garden and Forest, V (July 13, 
1892), 333-334. See also Karl Mohr, "The Hardwood Forests of the South," 
Garden and Forest, I (March 14, 1888), 34-35. 

3 Holmes, a mining engineer, was North Carolina State Geologist, 1891- 
1907. He was instrumental in the creation of the United States Bureau of 
Mines and was its first director, 1910-1915. Dumas Malone and others 
(eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, 20 volumes and index [with Supplementary Volumes XXI and 
XXII] 1928-), IX, 167-168. This reference will hereinafter be cited as 
Malone, Dictionary of American Biography. 

* Charles S. Sargent, "A Suggestion," Garden and Forest, V (July 13, 
1892), 325-326, hereinafter cited as Sargent, "A Suggestion"; Gifford 

40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Whereas Pinchot was looking at the possibilities of a south- 
ern forest reserve from a forester's point of view, Sargent 
was interested in the botanical aspects of the proposition. 
The belief that the best cherry and walnut trees of the region 
had been bought up and the best tulip trees cut from the 
most remote valleys plagued him. Consequently Sargent's 
suggestion for a national forest reservation was based on the 
desire to see examples of deciduous and coniferous groups 
preserved for the benefit of future generations in order that 
they might see the marvels of vegetable growth. The New 
York Tribune immediately seconded his proposal. 5 

While Pinchot and Sargent toyed with the idea of a na- 
tional forest reserve, the North Carolina legislature became 
interested in the proposed national park, and on February 9, 
1893, passed a resolution in favor of securing such a park in 
the Southern Appalachians. This action was soon followed by 
the North Carolina Press Association's meeting at New Bern, 
where on April 28 a memorial petitioning Congress to estab- 
lish a park in the area was drawn up. Later presented to the 
House on March 27, 1894, by Representative John S. Hen- 
derson, of North Carolina, it was referred to the Committee 
on Public Lands. That was as far as the proposal went in the 
Fifty-Third Congress. 6 Evidently public opinion was not yet 
strong enough to force Congress to show any concern about 
the matter, but one thing is sure, the New York mountain- 
lover was no longer alone in his mourning. 

Pinchot to B. M. Jones, Secretary of the Asheville Board of Trade, Nov- 
ember 11, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. See also Gifford Pinchot, 
Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947), 47, hereinafter cited as Pinchot, 
New Ground; and Joseph A. Holmes, Society of American Foresters, Pro- 
ceedings, X, (July, 1915), frontispiece. Only a few people, including Pin- 
chot, knew of Holmes' idea at the time and most of them thought the pro- 
ject to be visionary. Gifford Pinchot (ed.), American Conservation, I 
(June, 1911), 153. Not so Pinchot! He said, "It was a great plan and 
neither he nor I let it drop." Pinchot was not so sure in 1947 as to the 
year the suggestion was made, but he remembered that it was broached 
at "The Brick House" in Biltmore Forest, Pinchot, New Ground, 56. For 
an interesting description of the Biltmore Forest experiment in practical 
forestry, see Pinchot, New Ground, 47. 

5 Sargent, "A Suggestion," 324-326; New York Tribune, July 18, 1892. 

6 George W. McCoy, A Brief History of the Great Smoky Mountains 
National Perk Movement in North Carolina (Asheville, 1940), 6-8; Con- 
gressional Record, XXXVI (March 28, 1894), 3,260. McCoy is here quoting 
Charles A. Webb, one of the charter members of the Appalachian National 
Park Association and therefore familiar with the background of the move- 

Appalachian National Park Movement 41 

This mourning period was to last for five years then be 
broken only by another set of "doctor's orders." The first or- 
ganized agitation for national legislation to set up a federal 
park in the Southern Appalachian Mountains was begun by 
Dr. Chase P. Ambler of Asheville, North Carolina. He pre- 
sented his idea of a national park to a friend from Ohio, Judge 
William R. Day, while both were on a fishing trip in the Sap- 
phire area of western North Carolina in June, 1899. Several 
days later Judge Day gave Ambler some notes of a plan 
for securing the desired park. Although these notes were sub- 
sequently lost, Day's proposal became the basis for an or- 
ganized drive to create such a park in western North Caro- 
lina. Day's proposition embodied an Asheville organization 
which, assisted by the Asheville Board of Trade, would press 
for a national park to be set up in the Asheville area. On his 
return from the fishing trip Ambler immediately discussed 
the matter with A. H. McQuilkin, Asheville print shop owner 
and magazine publisher, who became very much interested 
in the project. 7 

By August, Ambler and George H. Smathers of Asheville, 
were working hard at getting the project of a southern na- 
tional park before Congress. 8 After enlistment of the aid of 
Senator Jeter C. Pritchard of North Carolina, Ambler's plan 
called for the organization of a drive to interest the southern 
press, doctors, lawyers, and others in the project by setting 
up a separate committee for each of these groups. Those peo- 
ple contacted would be asked to sign a petition addressed to 
Senator Pritchard asking him to use his influence to have a 
Congressional committee appointed to investigate the feasi- 

7 Chase P. Ambler, Activities of the Appalachian National Forest Asso- 
ciation, 2-4, Appalachian Park Collection, hereinafter cited as Ambler, 
Activities. An analysis of the Appalachian Collection indicates that Dr. 
Ambler was the leader in, and most conscientious worker for, the Appa- 
lachian national park. A physician, he moved to Asheville from Ohio in 
1899 and early became interested in the preservation of the beauty of the 
region by State or national action. Details of the fishing trip and the 
similarity of Ambler's and Day's views on the proposed park are shown 
in the correspondence between the two men. See Judge William R. Day 
to Ambler, October 31, November 10, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 
McQuilkin was publisher of Southern Pictures and Pencilings. 

8 Clipping in A. H. McQuilkin Scrapbook, "The Movement for a South- 
ern National Park," Southern Pictures and Pencilings, Appalachian Park 

42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

bility, necessity, and advantage of such a national park. 9 This 
petition, as prepared, listed many reasons why the project of 
a southern national park should be undertaken: While the 
"North" has Yellowstone National Park the South has none. 
Scenery, climate, and forests draw thousands of visitors to 
this western North Carolina locality each year, not only from 
neighboring States but from New York and the deep South as 
well, since neither of the latter areas are over twenty-four 
hours travel time away. Not only is there plenty of mountain 
land available in many counties, but the cost will be small 
because from twenty to forty thousand acres of it can be 
bought for an average of one dollar per acre. The location 
presently being sought by the Surgeon-General for a tuber- 
culosis hospital for Army and Navy men is to be had right 
here in the proposed national park. Moreover, action to pre- 
serve a tract of this country in its primeval state in order to 
save forests, game, and fish is imperative, for lumbermen are 
buying up options and laying the mountain bare! Indeed, na- 
tural game is becoming extinct and the native mountain trout 
is gradually disappearing, due largely to lumber operations. 
Now tanneries ruin both forest and game, and one has been 
set up lately at Asheville with another soon to be in opera- 
tion at nearby Waynes ville. Finally, such a park will not only 
do wonders for both State and nation, but will also be a 
monument to the Senator. 10 

In early September, Senator Pritchard agreed to help for- 
ward the project as outlined to him by Ambler, stating "... I 
shall do all in my power to secure the necessary appropria- 
tion." 11 

9 Ambler to Senator Jeter C. Pritchard, August 19, 1899, Appalachian 
Park Collection. 

10 A copy of the petition, dated August 30, 1899, is attached to Ambler's 
letter to Pritchard of August 19, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. The 
main reasons given in the petition for the park had appeared previously 
in McQuilkin's article in Southern Pictures and Pencilings. He set the price 
of land, however, to be purchased at a more conservative figure of from 
one to three dollars per acre. 

11 Pritchard to Ambler, not dated, Appalachian Park Collection. The date 
is certainly early September, since in the letter Pritchard was ". . . dis- 
gusted with an article which appeared in the Asheville Citizen the other 
day in which he [the editor] sought to convey the idea that I was hostile 
to the proposition, his purpose being to do or say something that would 
weaken me politically." In the process of castigating him for not speaking 

Appalachian National Park Movement 43 

As soon as it was recognized that Senator Pritchard, being 
from western North Carolina and having the confidence of 
the dominant party, was the man to lead the fight, an or- 
ganization to back him was demanded. 12 At the same time, 
the Asheville Board of Trade, seeing that influential men in 
the section were interested in the park, began planning to 
set up their own national park committee to direct the work. 13 
Recognizing that a State organization and a State movement 
were needed in order to attain the objective, the Board of 
Trade sought the support of neighboring towns by organiz- 
ing, on October 9, a Parks and Forestry Committee with Mc- 
Quilkin as chairman and Ambler as secretary. 14 

The movement for the southern national park had now be- 
come organized. The Parks and Forestry Committee first 
solicited the aid of the newspapers in North Carolina and ad- 
jacent States in giving publicity to the movement. 15 This ac- 
tion was followed immediately by an attempt to get a wider 
circulation of the petition, copies addressed to Senator Prit- 
chard being distributed through the public schools. 16 Al- 
though county and city superintendents of schools were con- 
tacted in North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, Ala- 
bama, and Georgia, the best response by far came from North 
Carolina schools, while a Georgia State law forbade using 
its schools for such purposes. 17 

Following the publicity in schools and newspapers, the 
Parks and Forestry Committee in October sent out reprints of 

up in the interest of the proposed park, the editor observed that perhaps 
the Senator had not yet reached ". . . the monument-erecting period of his 
career, . . ." Asheville Citizen, September 2, 1899. 

12 Asheville Citizen, September 29, 1899. The editor was now evidently- 
convinced that Pritchard was for the project after all. 

73 Asheville Daily Gazette, September 24, 1899. 

u Asheville Daily Gazette, October 8, 1899. 

15 Circular One, Appalachian Park Collection. Notations by Ambler on 
this circular indicate that 1,000 of them were eventually sent to various 

16 Circular Two, Appalachian Park Collection. One thousand, according 
to Ambler's notation, were sent to the Asheville schools alone. 

17 There are several letters in the Appalachian Collection setting forth 
reactions to the circulation proposals. For typical letters see: C B. Gibson, 
Superintendent of the Columbus, Georgia, Public Schools, to Ambler, Nov- 
ember 2, 1899; J. King of Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Superintendent of the 
Rutherford County Public Schools, to Ambler, November 9, 1899; D. Matt 
Thompson, Superintendent of the Statesville Public Schools, to Ambler, 
November 14, 1899. Notations by Ambler indicate that 5,000 of these peti- 
tions were eventually circulated through the schools and other media. Cir- 
cular Nine, Appalachian Park Collection. 

44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

an article which had earlier appeared in McQuilkms South- 
ern Pictures and Pencilings to North Carolina residents, as 
well as to people in adjacent States. While the article follow- 
ed the same general pattern of information as the petition, 
greater emphasis was placed on the need for the practice of 
conservative forestry. It also paid some attention to argu- 
ments that were being heard to the effect that farmers and 
timber holders would be against the park because its crea- 
tion would make them lose money. After pointing out that 
owners would receive a fair price for their land, the article 
went on to say that lumbermen and bark gatherers would be 
assured of a future supply of timber and bark, since the for- 
ests would be under scientific management. 18 The value of 
forests in preventing floods by controlling the run-off was 
also cited. 

It was becoming increasingly clear that to launch an at- 
tack on a State-wide sector was not enough frontage to 
achieve the desired objective of a national park. Limited local 
successes, while gratifying to the leaders of the movement, 
did not necessarily mean that the desired Congressional ac- 
tion would ensue. As George W. Vanderbilt of Biltmore Es- 
tate saw it at the time, the need was one of including parts 
of North Carolina, Tennessee, and adjacent States in a great 
eastern national park. 19 Statements such as this, coupled with 
an obvious lack of real response from outside North Caro- 
lina, must have made it clear to the Asheville Board of Trade 
that a local organization could not successfully call for out- 
side aid. In any event, it decided that a meeting should be 
called in Asheville for November 9, 1899, of interested peo- 
ple from North Carolina and surrounding States to set up a 

18 Circular Three, Appalachian Park Collection. For a similar concern 
with this anticipated opposition and an identical answer, see the Asheville 
Daily Gazette, October 10, 1899. 

19 Asheville Citizen, October 10, 1899. Vanderbilt soon disassociated him- 
self from the movement since his land near Asheville was in the area of 
the proposed park. Biltmore Forest, near Asheville and owned by Vander- 
bilt, was at that time under the management of C. A. Schenck. It was at 
Biltmore that Gifford Pinchot had earlier made the first experiment in 
conservative forestry in America. See again Pinchot, New Ground, 47 ff. 
Biltmore Forest had made a deep impression on the thinking of Asheville 
men active in the movement and certainly on Pinchot, who was one of 
the most tireless fighters for a southern national forest. Biltmore Forest 
became the nucleus of the first Appalachian national forest in 1916. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 45 

national organization for the promotion of the park. On Oc- 
tober 18, 1899, fifty letters were sent to various governors, 
senators, and representatives in North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, and Virginia asking per- 
mission to use their names in a call for such a convention 
to organize a national park association. 20 The call was to be 
made for a meeting in Asheville on November 9, 1899, to 
set up the organization and to take action to persuade Con- 
gress to acquire an area in the Blue Ridge or the Great 
Smokies for a national park like Yellowstone. States, cities, 
and all civic organizations were asked to send delegates. 21 Re- 
sponse to this request for the use of their names brought a 
variety of answers from those reached ranging from enthusi- 
astic approval to flat refusal. 22 

Senator Pritchard thought it best that he not be identified 
with either the call or the meeting. While he insisted that 
he would do all in his power to induce Congress to make a 
sufficient appropriation to have the matter thoroughly inves- 
tigated and meant to leave no stone unturned in his efforts to 
secure the establishment of the park, he thought ". . . it will 
give the movement more strength if it is understood that it 
comes from the people direct." 23 

The call, with the amended meeting date of November 22, 
1899, was duly sent out by the Park and Forestry Committee 
of the Asheville Board of Trade ". . . for the purpose of or- 
ganizing an association for the promotion of a Southern 
National Park and Forest Reserve. . . ." 24 The use of the term 
"Forest Reserve" indicated that the appeal was not being 
made solely for a local Asheville park. This broader approach 

20 Joseph H. Pratt, "Twelve Years of Preparation for the Passage of the 
Weeks Law," Journal of Forestry, XXXIV (December, 1936), 1,028. See 
also the Asheville Citizen, October 20, 1899. 

21 A copy of this invitation is in the Appalachian Park Collection. 

22 There are several letters in the Appalachian Park Collection relating 
to the call. See especially: George W. Taylor, Congressman from Alabama, 
to the Asheville Board of Trade, October 21, 1899, and Theodore F. Schultz, 
Congressman from North Carolina, to the Secretary of the Forestry Com- 
mittee, Asheville Board of Trade, November 13, 1899. The slowness of 
the response, shown by the dates of the letters, was probably the reason 
why the meeting was not held until November 22-23, 1899. 

23 Pritchard to Ambler, October 23, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 

24 Appalachian National Park Association, Minutes of Meetings 1899- 
1905, 5, Appalachian Park Collection, hereinafter cited as Appalachian 
Park Association, Minutes. 

46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was very pleasing to Pinchot, now Chief Forester, Federal 
Bureau of Forestry, who wrote: 

The object you have in view is one in which I have long had a 
very real interest. ... I have become increasingly impressed with 
the great desirability of such a Park. While I do not underrate 
the difficulties in the way of your undertaking, it is a project 
thoroughly worthy of all the energy and enthusiasm you will 
devote to it and you have my heartest wishes for its success. If 
I can be of use, I hope you will let me know. 25 

Asheville awoke on the morning of November 22, 1899, to 
find itself host to many out-of-town visitors. At the Battery 
Park Hotel some forty-two men and women were gathering, 
among them such people as Alfred M. Waddell, Mayor of 
Wilmington; S. Whittkowsky, President of the Charlotte 
Chamber of Commerce; Josephus Daniels of the Raleigh 
News and Observer; J. C. Garlington, Editor of the Spartan- 
burg, South Carolina, Herald; N. G. Gonzales, Editor of the 
Columbia, South Carolina, State; M. V. Richards, Land and 
Industrial Agent of the Southern Railway; Moses S. Cone, of 
Cone Export and Commission Company, Southern Cottons, 
New York; Senator Marion Butler of North Carolina; Charles 
McNamee, of the North Carolina Geological Board; Con- 
gressman W. T. Crawford of North Carolina; ex-Congress- 
man Richmond Pearson of North Carolina; George S. Powell, 
A. R. McQuilkin, E. P. McKissick, Charles A. Webb, and 
Dr. Chase P. Ambler, all of Asheville. 26 

The first morning session saw N. G. Gonzales elected chair- 
man and Dr. Chase P. Ambler secretary of the convention. 27 
Senator Butler and Congressman Crawford both pledged 
themselves to support the matter in Congress; Secretary Am- 
bler passed around copies of the petition for each member 
who so desired to sign. Bylaws were adopted after a some- 
what extended debate as to the exact title by which the new 
organization should be known. It was finally decided that it 

25 Pinchot to H. Claybrook Jones, November 11, 1899, Appalachian Park 
20 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 5, 30. 
27 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 5, 9. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 47 

should be called the Appalachian National Park Association. 28 
The bylaws of the Association said of it: "Its object shall be 
the establishment of a national park somewhere in the South- 
ern Appalachian Mountains." 29 Officers were to consist of a 
president, twenty-five vice-presidents, and a board of twelve 
directors. This board was authorized to set up auxiliary 
branches, wherever practicable, of the national organization 
with the same object and aim as the parent group. 

The resolutions adopted called upon Congress to ". . . in- 
vestigate this movement, become conversant with the nec- 
essity of establishing such a park, and to use their utmost 
endeavor to enact such legislation as will secure the estab- 
lishment of a park in the mountains of western North Caro- 
lina." 30 It was also resolved that the citizens of southeastern 
States be called upon to lend their assistance to the move- 
ment by joining auxiliary branches of the Association. The 
press of the country was to be asked to lend its aid in plac- 
ing the matter before the people, keeping up interest, and in 
urging Congress to act when the proposed park was brought 
to its attention. George S. Powell, a retired merchant of 
Asheville, was elected President and Ambler, who had al- 
ready done so much for the movement, Secretary. 31 The 
second session, which took place on the following morning, 
was a short meeting. It resulted only in the passing of addi- 

28 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 7ff. "Eastern Park" was 
turned down because it was thought that this would bring the Adirondacks 
in as a competitor. "Southern National Park" was eliminated because it 
was felt to be sectional and might work against the scheme. "Blue Ridge 
National Park" did not pass because it was noted that some of the finest 
mountains in the section were not in the Blue Ridge. "Southern National 
Park and Forest Reserve," presented by Dr. Ambler, was rejected. The 
term "Appalachian" was accepted because, even though it was believed 
that the Appalachians extended to New England, it was felt that there 
was no competition to be had from the northern end of the mountains. 
There seemed to be no question but that the project should be a national 
one and in the form of a park, not a forest reserve. 

29 Appalachian Park Collection, Minutes, 10. 

30 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 28. Josephus Daniels, Chair- 
man of the Committee on Resolutions, reported that the only matter of 
dispute on the resolutions in committee was whether to recommend a park 
in the western North Carolina mountains or in the Southern Appalachians. 
Daniels, the only member of the committee from North Carolina, was also 
the only one who voted for the resolutions to ask for action in the South- 
ern Appalachians. All the others voted for western North Carolina. On the 
committee were two men from Georgia, one from Illinois, and one from 
New York. 

81 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 28. 

48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tional resolutions asking the ladies to co-operate in the move- 
ment. After the gathering was dismissed, members of the 
Association enjoyed a drive through the beautiful Biltmore 
Estate, where its main points of interest were visited. 32 

The southern press lauded the objectives of the Associa- 
tion and spoke highly of the officers selected, promising that 
"... they may rely with confidence upon the united sympathy 
and support of the South and Middle States." 33 Great stress 
was placed on the fact that the twenty-five vice-presidents 
chosen from North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, West 
Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky included senators as well 
as governors. The apparent strength shown for the park at 
the meeting led to the comment: "If it is ever to be done, now 
is the time." 34 Another call to action read: "Let us at all events 
preserve samples of these splendid forests so that the suc- 
ceeding generations can at least see in imagination the glor- 
ious heritage which their fathers destroyed." 35 The Associa- 
tion concentrated at once in securing as much favorable 
publicity as possible for the movement. Dr. Ambler was soon 
busily circulating copies of the petition originally addressed 
to Senator Pritchard but now directed to Congress. At the 
same time, red stickers reading, "Push the Appalachian Park 
Movement" were being sent out for use on business and pri- 
vate correspondence. Southern Pictures and Pencilings hav- 
ing become the official organ of the Association, an issue of 
it devoted to the park movement was widely distributed. 
While McQuilkin, Ambler, and Powell were writing for the 
various newspapers who had asked for material concerning 
the work of the group, a drive for increased membership was 
under way, as some forty towns were contacted through let- 

32 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 32. 
83 Raleigh Post, November 25, 1899. 

34 State (Columbia, South Carolina), November 26, 1899. The same issue 
noted the formation of the Appalachian Apricot Club on November 23, 1899, 
by Major E. P. McKissick, proprietor of the Battery Park Hotel, and his 
guests under the heading, "First Child of the National Park Movement 
Born at the Battery Park." 

35 Charlotte Observer, November 22, 1899. See also Charlotte Observer, 
November 23, 1899; Forester, V (December, 1899), 289; and "In the South- 
ern Alleghanies," Forester, V, (December, 1899), 283. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 49 

ters to their mayors. Powell was especially active in trying 
to collect donations for the cause. 36 

Early results of the publicity campaign were heart- 
warming. Railroads, eager to help, offered to distribute cir- 
culars, and one railway went so far as to contribute money 
to the cause as the President of the Southern Railway sent 
one hundred welcome dollars. M. V. Richards, Land and In- 
dustrial Agent of the same railway and one of the charter 
members of the Association, with his office in Washington, 
was very active in the early days of the movement. While 
newspapers were definitely interested in publishing material 
concerning the proposed park, 37 ladies were also making their 
contribution as the South Carolina Federation of Women's 
Clubs offered any assistance to the Association that might be 
asked. Word of the proposed park was certainly getting 
around for a Rochester, New York, resident offered himself 
as caretaker of the new enterprise. 38 

But all was not rosy! Although Powell was able to raise 
some money through solicitation, the membership drive was 
disappointing. It was Powell's feeling that little money in 
membership fees could be expected outside of the mountain 
towns. A canvass of Asheville and adjacent towns in person 
by those on the membership committee was ordered by the 
executive committee in the hope of thus securing the needed 
new members. 39 The idea of the park as a local proposition 
was still paramount in the thinking of the leaders of the 
movement at the time. Indeed, to some people it was really 

88 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 35 ff . Between November 22 
and December 13, Ambler wrote and mailed 297 letters, distributed 2,000 
of the red stickers, and circulated an undetermined number of the petitions. 

37 Sunday Editor Marshall of the New York Herald to Richards, Novem- 
ber 28, 1899; W. B. Gwyn to Jones, December 11, 1899, Appalachian Park 

88 Charles Lang: "To woam it may concern," December 3, 1899, Appala- 
chian Park Collection. Somewhat confused as to the type of park contem- 
plated, he nonetheless outlined his plan of operation in some detail : ". . . the 
first thing to look to is to Put a few trail roads all round your mountantops, 
and at the same time see to distroying all small Blood suckin anamal, at 
the same time Put in a few ackers of Nursery stock . . . and all this is no 
youse unless he [the caretaker] know all about the Nursey Busness, and 
allso all about Raisin game and Procting it, such as trapps and trap- 
pin. . . ." It is unfortunate that Ambler did not keep carbon copies of out- 
going correspondence at this time. The answer he sent must have been 
an interesting one. 

89 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 40. 

50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

only a drive for a city park. Others, however, such as N. S. 
Shaler, thought ". . . that to be most fully effective there ought 
to be three or four National Preserves in the Appalachian 
Region and that such should be a part of our policy." 40 Still 
others, like the Governor of Virginia, were just not interested 
at all. 

While publicity work was progressing, attention was being 
given to the preparation of a memorial to Congress. Powell 
and Charles McNamee were hard at work on the arguments 
to be included in the petition. The difficult task of gathering 
descriptive material to be submitted with the memorial fell 
to the lot of Ambler. 41 Gifford Pinchot, who was still very 
much interested in the project, was again called upon for 
aid. Earlier requests of a similar nature, as has been seen, had 
not brought the desired information, so this time Pinchot 
sent a North Carolina geological survey bulletin describing 
the timber trees and forests of North Carolina. 42 A topograph- 
ical map of western North Carolina, on which the timber 
areas had been inked in green, was sent on request by the 
Director of the United States Geological Survey. It was indi- 
cated by the Director, Charles D. Walcott, that the map 
would give only a general idea of the region, since much of 
the work had been done merely by reconnaissance and thus 
represented little more than a preliminary survey. 43 Obvious- 
ly, very little was known of the timber and other resources 
of the western North Carolina area. 

The memorial and accompanying petition were presented 
to a joint meeting of the executive committee and chairmen 
of the other committees of the Association in Asheville on 
December 19, 1899. The memorial was accepted as ". . . an 
elegant prepared resume of the whole object of the Asso- 
ciation and described and defined a part of the country ex- 

40 S. C. Mason to Ambler, December 19, 1899, Appalachian Park Collec- 
tion. Mason, Professor of Horticulture and Forestry at Berea College, 
Kentucky, and a charter member of the Association, is here quoting from 
a letter he had received from the famous geologist, Shaler. Mason agreed 
with this observation of Shaler's. 

41 Ambler, Activities, 19. 

42 Pinchot to Ambler, December 2, 1899; Pinchot to Pritchard, December 
11, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 

43 Charles D. Walcott, Director of the United States Geological Survey, 
to Ambler, December 14, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 51 

tending along western North Carolina, which the committee 
thought best suited for the purposes of the Park." 44 Ambler's 
United States Geological Survey map was marked off by 
McNamee to show the proposed park site. It was moved that 
the memorial be printed and sent to all senators, representa- 
tives, and to the newspapers. The meeting disclosed that 
membership was still lagging but that Ambler had been in- 
strumental in having printed 5,000 booklets telling the story 
of the movement and was in the process of sending them out 
to those on his mailing list. 45 

Despite the fact that there seemed little hope that a bill 
relative to the park could be introduced in Congress before 
1900, it was decided to put M. V. Richards of Washington, 
D. C, in charge of seeing that the memorial at least was 
placed before the lawmakers as soon as possible. 46 Senator 
Marion Bulter had already prepared a bill which he planned 
to introduce the latter part of December. This bill provided 
for a survey of the western North Carolina lands and Butler 
was preparing to introduce it with the idea in mind of 
having Ambler see to it that editorials appeared in the Wash- 
ington Post and other newspapers immediately after the 
introduction. Butler was somewhat confused as to how the 
Association wanted the matter handled and accused that 
body of not keeping him properly informed. 47 

The executive committee of the Association decided to 
leave the matter of introducing the memorial and bill in the 
hands of M. V. Richards. The latter, from the best informa- 
tion he had at the close of 1899, felt that the memorial should 
be presented to Congress immediately after a survey bill was 
introduced. The two Senators from North Carolina, Marion 
Butler and Jeter C. Pritchard, were still unaware of each 
other's intentions as to the Congressional action to be sought. 
Powell agreed with Richards that a bill supported by the 
petition should be introduced. Senators Butler and Pritch- 
ard, through Richards, were able to reach an agreement as 

"Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 42. 

45 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 41 ff. 

46 Powell to Ambler, December 10, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 

47 Senator Marion Butler to Ambler, December 16, 1899, Appalachian 
Park Collection. 

52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to when and by whom the memorial was to be presented to 
Congress. 48 

Senator Pritchard celebrated the arrival of the new year, 
1900, by introducing the petition from the Appalachian Na- 
tional Park Association in the Senate on January 4. 49 Drawn 
up much along the same lines as that presented earlier to 
Senator Pritchard, the memorial called for a national park 
somewhere in the Southern Appalachians. Reasons why Con- 
gress should act on this suggestion were given as follows: 

I. The Rare Natural Beauty of the Appalachian Region. ... in 
the heart of the Great Smoky Mountains, the Balsam Mountains 
and the Black and Craggy Mountains is found . . . the most beau- 
tiful, as well as the highest, mountains east of the lofty Western 
ranges. . . all clothed with virgin forests and intersected by deep 
valleys abounding in brooks, rivers and waterfalls. 

II. The Superb Forests of the Southern Appalachian System. 
. . . here is the largest area in the South Atlantic Region of Vir- 
gin Forest and the finest example of Mixed Forest (by which 
is meant a forest of deciduous and evergreen trees) in America. 
. . . The increasing scarcity of timber is causing the large areas 
of forest ... to be acquired by those whose thought will be 
immediate returns from a system of lumbering utterly reckless 
and ruinous. . . . The National Government, . . . can prevent 
this destruction, and . . . preserve the forest as a heritage and 
blessing to unborn generations. 

III. The necessity of preserving the headwaters of many rivers 
rising in these mountains. . . . The forest acts as a storehouse of 
moisture for the dry season and tends to prevent floods. . . . 
Many rivers rise in the mountains and the same causes which 
destroy the forests will work irreparable injury to the source of 
water-supply. It is the duty of the National Government, . . . 
to protect their sources and the water-supply of the country. 

IV. The Healthfulness of the Region. . . .the plateau lying be- 
tween the Great Smoky Mountains and the Blue Ridge is one of 
the most deservedly popular health resorts of the world. ... It 
rivals Arizona as a sanatorium for those suffering from pul- 
monary troubles. 

V. The Climate is fine the whole year. For . . . those wishing to 
escape the rigors of a northern winter this plateau has one of 

48 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 47; Richards to Ambler, De- 
cember 28, 1899, Appalachian Park Collection. 

49 Congressional Record, XXXIII (January 4, 1900), 642. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 53 

the best all-year climates in the world. The existing National 
Parks can only be visited in summer; . . . [but this] could be 
visited and enjoyed at all seasons of the year. 

VI. The Location is Central. . . . This ... is but twenty-four 
hours from New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Toledo and the Gulf 
States. It is, therefore, within easy reach of millions of people, 
and a park there could be, in fact, as in name, a National Park. 

VII. The Eastern States are entitled to a National Park. There 
is no National Park of the character . . . suggested east of the 
Yellowstone . . . nor is there even a Forest Preserve. . . . The 
Chickamauga Battle Field . . . possesses none of the characteris- 
tics . . . and was created because of historical interest. 

VIII. The Park would pay as a Forest Reserve. ... no forest 
reserve would yield a larger return to the Government. . . . this 
is the place for the commencement of forestry operations, and 
perhaps as the location eventually of a National School of 

IX. The title to the land can be easily acquired. A site . . . 
can easily be chosen where the land is held in large areas and 
where the settlers are few. The land now sells for about two 
dollars an acre. 50 

And so it went. The imperative nature of the appeal was 
underscored by reference to this being a time of increasing 
timber scarcity resulting from wasteful lumbering. The 
Chickamauga Battlefield, which was preserved as a historic 
site, was discounted, as not fulfilling the need for an eastern 
park, and it was urged that the spot for the sailors' and sold- 
iers' sanitarium lay in this western North Carolina area. 
Noting that the government was about to start the practice 
of scientific forestry, the question was asked, why not start 
it here? In addition, it was pointed out that a national forestry 
school could be started here at some future date. 

The petition did not set definite boundaries for the park. 
Instead, it pointed out that this delineation should be left to 
the government forester. The heart of the Great Smokies 
was listed, however as containing the best scenery and the 
highest mountains. In order that the largest area of mixed 
and virgin forest would be secured, the Balsam Mountains 

""Memorial of the Appalachian National Park Association," Senate 
Document, Fifty Sixth Congress, First Session, No. 58 (January 4, 1900), 
1 ff, hereinafter cited as Senate Document, No. 58. 

54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

should also be included. The memorial closed with an appeal 
for congressional authorization of surveys of the area for the 
proposed park, purchase of the title to needed lands, and 
any action which Congress thought to be wise in respect to 
the proposal. 51 Accompanying this plea was a map snowing 
the general area proposed for the park. 52 It was moved in the 
Senate that the petition be printed and referred to the Com- 
mittee on Forest Reservations and the Protection of Game. 53 

Although the Association had scored this initial success, 
it was not finding the going easy. The immediate obstacle 
was a financial one. The anticipated rush of new members 
had not materialized, even though Ambler was circulating 
articles, booklets, circulars, and similar material at a rapid 
rate. People were just not supporting the movement with 
hard cash. It was now realized that expenses were to be heavy 
if the proper pressure was to be brought to bear on Congress, 
and that representatives of the Association should be in 
Washington at the proper times to see that all went well 
with the project. Therefore a new membership drive was 
inaugurated, but it failed miserably because interest in the 
proposition was confined largely to Asheville and its imme- 
diate vicinity. 54 For instance, the people of Knoxville, Tennes- 
see, were concerned with obtaining a national park and army 
post for their own city and felt ". . . that becoming interested 
in so many enterprises the government might lose interest 
in all." 55 

Another irritating factor hampering the activity of the 
Association was the obstructionist tactics of one of its mem- 
bers, James F. Hays. Feeling that the petition and map ex- 
cluded consideration of his lands which lay around Sapphire, 
North Carolina, he threatened to withdraw the congressional 
support he had promised to draw from Pennsylvania for the 
measure. This was indeed a serious threat, since Senator 
Butler had a resolution ready to introduce while Pritchard 

61 Senate Document, No. 58, passim. The particular tracts mentioned lay- 
in western North Carolina, eastern Tennessee, and southwest Virginia. 

52 (Copy) James F. Hays to Richards, January 6, 1900, Appalachian 
Park Collection. 

53 Congressional Record, XXXIII (January 4, 1900), 642. 

54 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 45-51. 

55 J. M. Greer to Ambler, January 11, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 55 

was working on a survey amendment to the agriculture ap- 
propriation bill, both efforts tied to the proposed park. 
Richards was now forced to hold up the contemplated actions 
because he thought it unwise that any proposal be laid before 
Congress without Hays' approval since support of the Penn- 
sylvania delegation was considered vital. Though assuring 
Hays that the boundaries as outlined in the petition and map 
would in no way eliminate investigation of outside land, 
Richards at the same time asked the executive committee of 
the Association to revise the memorial so as not to antogonize 
Hays. 56 

This the committee refused to do, since it sincerely felt 
that the Hays lands were so worthy of consideration that 
they would undoubtedly be pointed out to any investigating 
committee when the time came for such action. 57 It directed 
Richards, however, who was busily working on a bill for 
the purchase of an area in western North Carolina ". . . in the 
heart of the Great Smoky Mountains, the Balsam Mountains, 
and the Black and Craggy Mountains . . ." 58 to strike out 
those words and to present no bill specifying exact locations. 
There was considerable discussion of Hays' position by mem- 
bers of the committee, and he was roundly castigated for be- 
ing moved by selfish motives. One of the members thought 
it best to ignore him in the hope that he would see that 
". . . we were working for the good of all and attempting 
to exclude none." 59 This verbal lashing was later struck 
from the minutes of the Association, but Dr. Ambler struck 
the words out so as to leave them in the most legible manner 
possible. 60 The Association had left itself wide open in this 
manner because, in accepting the aid of Hays initially, it had 
been informed that he would work for the movement only 
if ". . . it would in some way be of benefit to the interests 

68 (Copy) Hays to Richards, January 6, 1900; (Copy) Richards to Hays, 
January 10, 1900; Richards to Powell, January 10, 1900; Richards to Am- 
bler, January 13, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. Hays was General 
Manager of the Pennsylvania Railroad and evidently carried enough weight 
with members of Congress from Pennsylvania to make his promise good. 
Hays to Ambler, February 2, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

67 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 52-53. 

68 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 51-52. 

69 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 53. 

80 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 52-54. 

56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I represent." 61 This action evidently proved satisfactory to 
Hays, for he made no further protests. 62 

Meanwhile Richards, Pritchard, and Butler had been busy 
preparing for Congressional activity. A part of this prepara- 
tion included a consultation by Richards with Pinchot con- 
cerning the whole subject of the park. The result was that 
Senator Pritchard offered an amendment to the agriculture 
appropriation bill for the fiscal year 1901. The rider, pre- 
sented on January 15, provided a sum of $10,000 for the pur- 
pose of investigating and examining eastern Tennessee, west- 
ern North Carolina, and northeastern Georgia in prepara- 
tion for the creation of a park in that region. On the following 
day Senator Butler introduced his resolution, S. R. 69, pro- 
viding for a commission to make the same type of survey for 
the future establishment of a national park and forest reserve 
to be known as the Appalachian National Park. Both reso- 
lution and amendment were referred to the Committee on 
Agriculture and Forestry. 63 

Although the two requests were not in harmony as to the 
proposed location of the park ( Butler did not include north- 
eastern Georgia in the area of consideration), it had been 
decided to put the resolution before the Senate anyway and 
work out in committee such changes as might be needed. 64 
The omission of any reference to Virginia and South Caro- 
lina, both prominently mentioned earlier in the memorial, 
may have been the result of lack of support for the park in 
those States. Certainly one of the Senators from Virginia was 
not convinced of the wisdom of the idea. Although he never 
openly condemned the proposal, he would not allow his 
name to be used in connection with it, declaring: "I have 
not committed myself to your scheme and the use of my name 

81 (Copy) Hays to Richards, January 6, 1900. What other interests he 
represented, if any, beside his own I was unable to discover. 

62 As a matter of fact, Hays soon sent a statement of good faith to the 
Association along with a most welcome twenty-five dollars. Hays to Am- 
bler, January 30, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

63 Pinchot to Ambler, January 12, 1900; Powell to Ambler, January 15, 
1900; Holmes to Powell, January 16, 1900; Senator Marion Butler to Am- 
bler, January 20, 1900; Richards to Ambler, January 20, 1900; Appala- 
chian Park Collection. See also Congressional Record, XXXIII (January 15, 
1900), 801 (January 16, 1900), 853. 

64 Butler to Ambler, January 20, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 57 

is not authorized." 65 At the same time the use of the term 
"forest reserve" in the resolution was certainly an extension 
of a local park idea. It is also hard to reconcile the omission 
of Virginia and South Carolina with the bid for outside sup- 
port represented by the activities of Joseph A. Holmes. 

Working out of his Raleigh office, with an occasional trip 
to Washington, Holmes was pushing two projects aimed at 
the creation of wider agitation for Congressional approval of 
the southern park. He approached the Secretary of Agricul- 
ture in the hope that he would see fit to approve the pro- 
posal in a statement in the annual report of his department. 
In this Holmes failed. 66 At the same time he prepared resolu- 
tions favoring the park to be presented by himself to the 
legislatures of Tennessee, South Carolina, and Virginia for 
action upon them. Although the Governor of Virginia, J. H. 
Tyler, sent a communication to the legislature of that State 
calling their attention to the proposed Park and was expecting 
the arrival of Holmes to speak to a committee of the legisla- 
ture about it, Holmes evidently did not appear. For some 
reason, the campaign to win State legislative endorsement 
was temporarily postponed. 67 Holmes was an ardent worker 
for the reserve, but he believed in going about things in 
a very quiet, almost secret, manner. Continually trying to 
soft-pedal the activities of the publicity-minded Ambler, 
Holmes feared that the unfortunate impression might be 
created that the Association was attempting to set up a lobby 
in Washington. 

While these efforts were being made, a powerful ally had 
been added to those who favored the Appalachian Park. At 
its annual meeting in December, 1899, the American Forestry 
Association gave a strong endorsement to the project by 

65 Senator John W. Daniel to Ambler, January 22, 1900, Appalachian 
Park Collection. 

66 Department of Agriculture, Annual Report, 1900 (Washington, D. C, 
1901). No mention of it was made. However, the activity of the associations 
who had allied themselves in the East with the drive aimed at stirring up 
interest in forests and forestry problems was hailed as one of the most 
conspicuous developments on the forestry scene for the year. "Progress 
of Forestry," Department of Agriculture, Yearbook, 1900 (Washington, D. 
C, 1900), Appendix, 733. 

97 Holmes to Ambler, December 27, 1899, January 11, 1900; Holmes to 
Powell, January 2, 16, 1900; Governor J. H. Tyler to Ambler, January 
30, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

adopting a resolution which read: "The Association hereby 
expresses its gratification at the prospect of the establishment 
of National Parks and Forest Reservations in Minnesota and 
along the crest of the southern Alleghenies." 68 The organiza- 
tion indicated that it was interested primarily in the timber 
preservation aspects of the proposal. Yet the force of the 
endorsement was lessened somewhat by an expression from 
the group at the same time that the southern aspirations for 
the park were coming solely from North Carolina. 69 From 
Pennsylvania, which already had considerable State forest 
land 70 now came a suggestion of an expanded plan for an east- 
ern park because "... it would be a wise thing if all of the 
higher ridges of the great Appalachian system, from North 
Carolina to and including Pennsylvania, might be a public 
park." 71 Although Pennsylvania was included in this project- 
ed eastern park, the White Mountains, certainly in the Ap- 
palachian range, were omitted. 72 

During the remainder of January efforts were made to 
line up a delegation from the Appalachian National Park 
Association along with such influential men as Pinchot to 
appear before the Senate Committee on Agriculture and 
forestry as soon as a hearing could be arranged. 73 It was de- 
cided by Richards and the men in Congress with whom he 

68 American Forestry Association, "The Resolutions Adopted," Forester, 
VI (January, 1900), 10. The organization had been contacted earlier by 
Dr. Ambler in a bid for support. The passing of a resolution probably re- 
sulted in part from this appeal since the secretary had promised to bring 
it to the attention of the Board of Directors of the American Forestry 
Association. George P. Whittlesey, Recording Secretary of the American 
Forestry Association to Dr. S. Westray Battle, October 3, 1900, Appala- 
chian Park Collection. 

69 American Forestry Association, "Report of the Directors," Forester 
VI (January, 1900), 5-9. See also the New York Tribune, December 14, 

70 Gifford Pinchot, "Progress of Forestry in the United States," Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, Yearbook, 1899 (Washington, 1900), 299. 

71 "The Appalachian National Park," Forest Leaves VII (February, 
1900), 105. 

72 The increased interest on the part of Pennsylvania in the park was 
also demonstrated by the fact that the Pennsylvania Botanical Society 
on February 28, 1900, by a unanimous vote extended to the Appalachian 
National Park Association its heartiest sympathy and asked that the 
Society's officers be allowed to become members of the Association. John 
M. MacFarlane, Secretary of the Botanical Society of Pennsylvania to 
Ambler, February 27, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

73 Hays to Ambler, February 2, 1900; Pinchot to Ambler, January 12, 
1900; Butler to Ambler, January 20, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 59 

was working, however, that it would be best to wait and see 
if an amendment to the current agriculture appropriation bill 
could be passed without the necessity of a hearing. There- 
fore the pressure for an early appearance of proponents of the 
project before the appropriate committee slackened. 

With the spring came new hope. To be sure the Appalachi- 
an National Park Association was hard pressed to keep the 
fires burning, since finances were going from bad to worse. Yet 
Ambler was still able to send out information as to the Asso- 
ciation's activities and was expanding his area of effort. One 
result was that on March 14 the Appalachian Club of Boston 
and New England unanimously adopted a memorial to Con- 
gress expressing approval of the establishment of a national 
park somewhere in the Southern Appalachians. A day later 
this petition was introduced in the Senate by Senator Blakely 
Hoar of Massachusetts, where it was referred to the Com- 
mittee on Agriculture and Forestry. 74 

April saw the efforts of the friends of the proposal con- 
centrated on the passage of the amendment to the agricul- 
ture appropriation bill which would mark the first step toward 
the realization of a national park in the Southern Appalach- 
ians. This measure, having passed the House on April 10, 
was sent to the Senate. When the Senate Committee on Agri- 
culture and Forestry reported the bill, H. R. 10538, it in- 
creased the amount carried for forestry investigations by 
$40,000 and authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to use 
as much as $5,000 of this to investigate the forest conditions 
of the Southern Appalachian mountain region of western 
North Carolina and adjacent States. This amendment was 
agreed to without comment during debates on the bill and 
passed with H. R. 10538 on April 25. 75 

Both the wording of the amendment and the decrease in 
the amount originally asked by Pritchard for the survey was 

74 Congressional Record, XXXIII (March 15, 1900), 2,916; Appalachian 
Mountain Club, "Proceedings of the Club, March 14, 1900," Appalachia, IX 
(April, 1901), 408-409; Harlan P. Kelsey to Ambler, April 7, 1900, Appa- 
lachian Park Collection, Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 55-56. 

75 "Appropriations for Department of Agriculture," Senate Report, 
Fifty-Sixth Congress, First Session, No 1049 (April 23, 1900), 1; "Agri- 
culture Appropriation Bill," House Report. Fifty-Sixth Congress, First 
Session, No. 56 (April 10, 1900), 952; Congressional Record, XXXIII 
(April 25, 1900), 4,655. 

60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the result of a hearing held before the Senate Committee 
on Agriculture and Forestry on April 17. Several officers of 
the Appalachian National Park Association, as well as others, 
were present. Apparently the evidence presented was conclu- 
sive enough to win acceptance of the Pritchard amendment. 
It was made clear to the friends of the proposition, however, 
that there would be considerable opposition to the govern- 
ment setting up a park from those who thought that Congress 
could not act unless State legislatures invited it to do so. 
These reluctant individuals felt that the States would have 
to relinquish their legislative rights to tax lands so acquired 
and grant the right to purchase such lands to the Federal 
Government before national action could be taken. This was 
an important consideration, since some members of Congress 
definitely held this view and consequently their votes might 
well block the desired operation. Moreover, it was stressed 
in the committee report that additional definite information 
was needed concerning the area before Congress could be 
expected to undertake the project. 76 

Yet there was also prevalent the idea that "The general 
government ought to step in before it is too late and take 
possession of the whole region/' 77 The New York Lumber 
Journal declared itself "... heartily in favor of such a park 
and hopes Congress will give it favorable attention." 78 Con- 
tinuing, the Journal characterized it as a measure for the 
conservation of the lumber industry and predicted that the 
project would not only pay for the interest on the money in- 
vested from the sale of mature timber but would no doubt 
become self-supporting in time. There was still another plea 

76 Powell to Ambler, April 18, 1900; Powell to Ambler, April 19, 1900, 
Appalachian Park Collection. Both correspondents were in Washington for 
the purpose of attending the hearing. The Appalachian National Park, 
compiled by Dr. Chase P. Ambler (Asheville, fourth edition, 1901), 5. I was 
unable to find a copy of the hearings in the Department of Agriculture 
Library or in the Legislative Records of the Senate contained in the Nation- 
al Archives, Washington, D. C. I doubt their ever having been printed. 
The minutes of the Appalachian National Park Association are strangely 
silent on the event. The Appalachian Collection, so complete in most re- 
spects, contains very little concerning it. 

77 "Along the Smoky Range," Forester, VII (April, 1900), 90. This quo- 
tation is from a reprint of an editorial from the Hartford Courant. 

78 As quoted in "Comment on the Appalachian Park," Forester, VI (June, 
1900), 149. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 61 

made for the extension of the idea to include a truly eastern 
park because, it was urged, such action would provide both 
a timber reserve and a pleasure ground for the eastern 
States. 79 Pressure was building up for something more than 
a mere park. 

The Appalachian National Park Association, although still 
struggling with its financial problems, continued stirring up 
favorable sentiment for the park. For example, Joseph A. 
Holmes read a paper before the summer meeting of the 
American Forestry Association, held in New York on June 26, 
stressing the accessibility of the area as a summer resort 
and the fact that the national government alone should under- 
take the project because of the national benefits which would 
derive from it. At the same time, Ambler was using the offi- 
cial organ of the American Forestry Association to ask all 
those interested to contact him for copies of circulars and 
resolutions concerning the park movement. 80 

Meanwhile, the House would not concur in the Senate's 
amendments to H. R. 10538 and a conference of members 
representing both houses was arranged. The report of this 
conference committee was accepted by the Senate on May 
10, the House following with their approval four days later. 
The increase of $40,000 for forestry investigation was ac- 
cepted by the conferees after a personal discussion with the 
Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson, 81 who defended them 
as necessary for the effective operation of his office. There 
was no objection to the Appalachian investigation as such 
by any of the conferees and H. R. 10538 was then passed, 
and the bill was signed by the President on May 26. The 
original wording of the Pritchard Amendment as reported 

78 "The Appalachian National Park," Forest Leaves, VII (June, 1900), 

80 Joseph A. Holmes, "The Proposed Appalachian Park," Forester, VI 
(July, 1900), 160-163; "For An Appalachian Park," Forester, VI (June 
1900), 141-142; Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 58-59. 

81 James Wilson, "Tama Jim," indefatigable worker, served as Secretary 
of Agriculture, 1897-1913, and during his directorship the department grew 
tremendously, with its work being extended into many new fields. Wilson 
was well liked by the three Presidents under whom he served: McKinley, 
Roosevelt, and Taft. Malone, Dictionary of American Biography, XVII, 

62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

on April 25 was retained in the measure when it became 
law. 82 

Two important groups soon gave strong endorsements to 
the proposal for the protection of southern forests. At a 
meeting in New York on May 25 the American Forestry Asso- 
ciation approved it and the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science, assembling in the same city three 
days later, did the same. The main reason given by the or- 
ganizations for their request for action was a recognition of 
". . . the importance of the preservation in its original condi- 
tion of some portion of the hardwood forests of the Southern 
Appalachian region. . . ." 83 The idea of a national forest 
reserve rather than a park was becoming more prevalent. 

During the summer the United States Geological survey 
was busy with its investigation of western North Carolina 
and adjacent States. Assisting in this work was the North 
Carolina Geological Survey, of which Holmes was State 
Geologist. W. W. Ashe from Holmes' office helped with the 
examination of the hardwood forests of the mountain counties 
while the efforts of the federal agency in studying the geologi- 
cal, topographical, and hydrographical conditions in the 
Southern Appalachian region were contributed largely by 
H. B. Ayres. 84 

Despite the fact that the middle of July found the South 
Atlantic Lumber Association and the Rome, Georgia, Com- 
mercial League endorsing the movement, 85 Holmes was 

82 Congressional Record, XXXIII (April 28, 1900), 4,794. 4,805 (May 17, 
1900), 5,636 (May 21, 1900), 5,822 (May 26, 1900), 6,109; "An Act Making 
Appropriations for the Department of Agriculture for the fiscal year ending 
June thirtieth nineteen hundred and one," Statutes at Large, Chapter 555, 
197. Richards had been in contact with the Secretary of Agriculture while 
the amendment was being considered by the conferees and he had been 
assured by Wilson that the amendment would pass. The Secretary was 
"... very much interested in the subject. . . ." Richards to Ambler, May 
24, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

83 Holmes to Ambler, June 11, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

84 North Carolina Geological Survey, Biennial Report of the State Geolo- 
gist, 1901-1902 (Raleigh, 1902), 10; Holmes to Ambler, July 7, 1900, Appa- 
lachian Park Collection. The Appalachian National Park Association was 
eager to point out to the investigators the areas it thought worthy of con- 
sideration. Three tracts combining timber and mountain scenery were care- 
fully designated to them. Holmes to Ambler, July 7, 1900, Appalachian 
Park Collection. With the vigilant Holmes in close contact with the survey- 
ing party, it is doubtful that any of the good points of those sections were 

85 Richards to Ambler, May 24, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 63 

trying to slow down Ambler's publicity campaign, which 
was going on apace. 86 Although the geologist found those 
happenings ample reason for rejoicing, he had been ". . . 
cautioned by the Washington authorities against printing too 
much. They seem rather anxious that we print very little 
about the park until the investigations are completed and the 
Government report is printed." 8T Ambler was evidently try- 
ing to see what land was for sale at what price as the 
Forester was being contacted about it by people Ambler had 
written. The fact that people who owned land in the area 
being considered were following the proposed park develop- 
ments with some interest is testified to by numerous letters 
to Ambler. For example, one such owner offered his 52,000 
acres in Burke County, North Carolina, complete with de- 
sirable scenery, watershed, and virgin forests for ". . . any 
reasonable price." 88 

There was not a great deal of activity by the Appalachian 
National Park Association during the remainder of 1900. 
There were two important matters, however, which received 
the attention of the Association. The first of these was an 
effort to get the Legislature of North Carolina to recognize 
the movement by passing a resolution in favor of the park. 
Charles A. Webb and George H. Smathers, both of Asheville, 
were chosen to see if this could be done during the June 
session of that body. Initially they meet with a degree of 
success, since the desired resolution was submitted at Raleigh 
to the Committee on Rules which reported favorably on it. 
Unfortunately, when the petition was brought up in session 
the resolution could not be found! Hence it was not passed. 
This circumstance was evidently not considered to be any- 
thing out of the ordinary, as the Committee to the State 
Legislature was calmly directed by the Association to secure 
as early an action as possible on the matter. 89 

The second bit of activity stemmed from the efforts being 
made during the summer and fall by two New York gentle- 

88 "The Proposed Appalachian Park," Forest Leaves, VII, (August, 
1900), 150. 

87 Holmes to Ambler, August 6, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

88 C. W. Burnett to Ambler, Nov. 4, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. 

89 Appalachian Park Association, Minutes, 59-61. 

64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

men to negotiate a contract with a committee delegated by the 
Cherokee tribal council to act in its name. The agreement 
sought with the tribe stipulated that all the timber growing 
on a 33,000 acre tract located in the western North Caro- 
lina mountains and belonging to the Indians would be con- 
veyed for fifty years to the purchasers. Payment was to be 
made at the rate of two cents per acre per annum. These 
were anxious moments for park enthusiasts, since the lands 
were in the heart of the proposed reservation and might well 
become its nucleus. Both Pinchot and the Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs were contacted by the Appalachian Na- 
tional Park Association and through their efforts the threaten- 
ed transaction was foiled. Secretary of the Interior E. A. 
Hitchcock eventualy disapproved the proposed contract on 
the grounds that the timber on the tract was by the most 
reliable date valued at $1,195,000 and the amount of $66,000 
offered in payment was totally inadequate as a compensation 
for the privileges granted in return. 90 

With the year 1900 fast drawing to a close, there were 
certain indications that people outside North Carolina were 
becoming increasingly interested in the park. At its annual 
meeting in Washington, the American Forestry Association 
on December 13 voted its cordial approval of the action of 
Congress in making provisions for the survey of the South- 
ern Appalachians and added ". . . we recommend that further 
steps be taken for the creation by purchase of a National 
Appalachian Park. . . ." 91 At the same time, a lady from 
Louisville, Kentucky, was being advised by Pinchot to stir 
up sentiment for the project in her home State. She was 
eager to present information on the subject before influential 
clubs in the Bluegrass country, but admitted that this was to 
be done ". . .so that we can more easily secure ours in the 

90 H. C. Sonner, Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Ambler, 
July 12, 1900; Holmes to Ambler, August 6, 1900; (Copy) Hitchcock to 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 4, 1900; Pinchot to Ambler. 
November 9, 1900, Appalachian Park Collection. The two men concerned 
were George C Webb, of Fulton, New York, and Andrus L. Gilbert of 
New York City. The land in question was well-timbered and was known 
as "Love Speculation Tract." The actual offer was made of $30,000 cash 
for the timber privileges for fifty years so the name of the tract obviously 
bore no relation to the spirit of the proposed transaction. 

91 "The Nineteenth Annual Meeting," Forester VI (January, 1901), 2. 

Appalachian National Park Movement 65 

future." 92 There were other signs of increased interest 
as the Commercial and Industrial Association of Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, passed a resolution strongly favoring the 
creation of the Appalachian National Park while a hardware 
merchant in Danbury, Connecticut, was calling on various 
gun clubs in his own State, as well as those in New York, to 
endorse the movement. 93 So it was that the conversation 
between two anglers on a fishing trip in western North Caro- 
lina in June, 1899, was making sense in December, 1900, 
to hunters from New England interested in preserving game 
for their guns. But the embrace of those outside North 
Carolina, while it meant welcome support for the movement, 
carried with it the kiss of death for the Appalachian Park! 

For by mid- January, 1901, the movement to preserve for 
posterity a portion of the mountain scenery of western North 
Carolina, which had begun with the scenery lover's lament 
in the 1880's, had grown into a concerted drive for a South- 
ern Appalachian national forest reserve. To the cry of the 
scenery lover, fisherman, and hunter had now been added 
that of the practical forester and lumberman. With the intro- 
duction, on January 10, 1901, by Senator Prit chard of a bill 
providing for the purchase of a national forest reserve in the 
Southern Appalachian mountains, 94 came the end for the time 
being of the national park movement. 

The energies of those who desired a national park were 
henceforth channeled into the great surge for the creation 
of eastern national forests in the Southern Appalachians and 
the White Mountains of New Hampshire, a conservation cur- 
rent which ran its course during the years 1901-1911. A 
national park in western North Carolina had to await the 
coming of a new generation of Americans who, no less than 
their ancestors, felt in their hearts the desire to walk an 
Appalachian Trail which led through the grandeur of the 
mountains and not down a valley of desolation. 

92 Mrs. Sarah Webb Maury to Ambler, October 30, 1900, Appalachian 
Park Collection. 

83 F. A. Hull to Ambler, December 22, 1900, Appalachian Park Collec- 
tion. Hull also offered to go to Washington and put pressure on four mem- 
bers of Congress whom he listed as personal friends. 

84 Congressional Record, XXXIV (January 10, 1901), 809. 

Edited By Charles W. Turner* 

Reuben Knox was born in Blandford, Massachusetts, Au- 
gust 10, 1801. * His grandfather, John Knox, emigrated from 
Glasgow, Scotland, and settled in Blandford (then called 
Glasgow). His father, Elijah, was born in Blandford August 
23, 1761. Reuben was the tenth of his eleven children. He 
was a student in 1821 at "Mamakating," New York, and was 
completing his education in New York City in 1826, 2 while 
suffering from a severe cough together with an affection of 
the lungs. 

In 1828 there are letters addressed to him as Reuben Knox, 
M. D., Kinston, Lenoir County, North Carolina. He was mar- 
ried in Kinston, December 10, 1829, to Olivia Kilpatrick of 
Kinston, and two sons, Joseph and Henry, who went on the 
trip to California with him, were born of this union. His wife, 
Olivia, died in 1837 and he practiced in Kinston until 1840. 

On July 21, 1840, he was married in Hillsboro to Mrs. Eliza 
Heritage Washington Grist of Kinston, 3 widow of Richard 
Grist and mother of Franklin Grist, then 11 years old, who 
also went on the trip to California with Reuben. Immediately 
after their marriage they returned with their four children 
to St. Louis, Missouri, where Reuben had recently moved. 
They lived there and Reuben practiced medicine and looked 
after business affairs until May, 1850, when he left for Cali- 

* Dr. Charles W. Turner is a Professor of History, Washington and Lee 
University, Lexington, Virginia. 

1 Certain data contained in this introduction were copied from Reuben 
Knox's Bible by his great-granddaughter, Mrs. Agatha Chipley Hughes of 
Lexington, Virginia. This Bible is now in possession of Mrs. A. W. Knox, 
Jr., of Arlington, Virginia. Other information was related to the editor, 
either vocally or through correspondence, by members of the family, partic- 
ularly by Mrs. Roy M. Chipley, 311 Whitaker Mill Road, Raleigh, in whose 
possession the original letters are at present. The details of the journey 
made by Reuben and his party were taken from the letters which appear in 
this issue and the two issues to follow. 

2 Letter from Mr. Thomas P. Fleming, Professor of Library Service, 
Medical Library, Columbia University, New York City, to Mrs. Chipley, 
July 29, 1958. The letter states that Reuben, who received his M.D. degree 
from the College of Physicians and Surgeons in 1826, possibly attended the 
lectures of the entire faculty of the medical college. Six professors and 
their specialities were listed by Mr. Fleming. 

3 Eliza was born February 10, 1808, and died November 12, 1890. 


Reuben Knox Letters 67 

fornia. He was physically run down and not well and hoped 
to benefit his health by outdoor life. He intended to buy a 
ranch and get settled in California and then send for the 
rest of his family. He took his son Joseph, who was then 
twenty years old and a student at Yale; Henry who was 15; 
and also his nephew and namesake, Reuben Knox. They 
picked up his stepson, Franklin Grist, age 22, at Salt Lake 
City, he having gone west a year before, just after gradua- 
tion from Yale, with Captain Stansbury's expedition to sketch 
maps. Franklin was an artist. Reuben's wife, Eliza and their 
two young children, Betty (three and a half) 4 and Augustus 
(one year), 5 were to visit among relatives in North Carolina 
and Massachusetts until he sent for them. 

Reuben's second wife, Eliza, was the daughter of John 
Washington (1768-1837) and Elizabeth Heritage Cobb 
Washington (1780-1858) and spent most of her girlhood at 
their home "Vernon" in Kinston. Her father later moved to 
New Bern and died there. She was a granddaughter of Jesse 
Cobb [1729-18071 of Kinston, member of the Colonial Assem- 
bly, and Captain of Minute Men of Dobbs County and a 
great-granddaughter of William Heritage ( d. Craven Coun- 
ty, 1769), who was for 30 years Clerk of the Colonial Assem- 
bly and who gave 100 acres of land "lying on the north side 
of the Neuse River at a place called Atkins Banks in Dobbs 
County, a pleasant and healthy situation, with commodities 
for trade and commerce" to establish a Town of Kingston, 
changed to Kinston. 

"Dear Sister Susan," 6 so often referred to in the letters, was 
Eliza's younger sister who was married to William A. Gra- 
ham, Governor of North Carolina, 1845-1849, and at the 
time of these letters ( 1850), Secretary of the Navy in Wash- 
ington. It was at their home in Hillsboro that Eliza and Reu- 
ben were married. 

Eliza's and Reuben's daughter, Betty, married Dr. James 
B. Hughes of New Bern, and lived there until his death when 

4 Betty was born November 17, 1846, and died August 11, 1939. 

5 Augustus (father of Mrs. Chipley) was born May 6, 1849, and died 
May 9, 1936. 

8 Susannah Sarah Washington was born February 27, 1816 (eight years 
after Eliza), and died May 3, 1890. 

68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

she moved with her children to New York City where she 
died in 1930. Her daughter, Miss Ethel Hughes, has recently 
returned to New Bern to live. 

Eliza's and Reuben's younger son, Augustus Washington, 
followed in his father's footsteps and studied medicine, set- 
tling in Raleigh after graduation from the University of Vir- 
ginia and interning at Bellevue and the Woman's Hospital 
in New York. He married Eliza H. Smedes of Raleigh and 
practiced medicine and surgery there for more than 50 years 
(1876-1931). Eliza, his mother, died at his home in 1890. 

Franklin Grist, Eliza's son by her first marriage was born 
in 1828. He returned to North Carolina after Reuben's death 
and later went to Europe to continue his study of art. He 
spent many years there and in 1885 was commissioned Vice- 
Consul to Italy. He was never married and died in Raleigh 
in 1912 at the home of his half-brother, Dr. Augustus W. 

Reuben Knox on January 14, 1850, wrote to his son Joseph, 
a student at Yale, announcing a planned journey to California 
in the spring. Each year his funds were depleted by almost 
$1,000, and he took occasion to remind his son that this was 
possible only because of "proper habits of industry and econ- 
omy" in early life. 7 Health and wealth seemed more important 
to Reuben than wisdom as he approached his fifty-first birth- 
day. "I think," he said in his letter to Joseph, "it more impor- 
tant ... to have a constitution capable of enduring hardship 
and fatigue . . . than to have the mind so ever well stored, 
with no PHYSICAL power of endurance." 8 Certainly the trek 
to California should improve the condition— or ruin it— and 
as for wealth— there was gold to mine in California and a 
seller's market for the merchant. The doctor not only knew 
medicine but merchandising as well, having owned a mer- 
cantile establishment of good size. Reuben felt no need to 
apologize for his two incongruous occupations. He had not 
found medical practice in St. Louis remunerative despite 

7 Letter from Reuben Knox to Joseph A. Knox (his son) , January 14, 

8 Reuben to Joseph, January 14, 1850. 

Reuben Knox Letters 69 

long hours and hard work, and his patients would not pay 
their bills. 9 

Reuben, who declared he loved the medical profession, 
had once thought he should never do anything else. Practice, 
in North Carolina, after graduation from medical school, had 
brought him professional satisfaction and enduring associa- 
tions, but being of a weak constitution, he found it fatiguing. 
Another hardship that helped determine the move to St. 
Louis, where he found medicine less attractive, was the desire 
to have his young children by a previous marriage, his wife 
having died, in school, at home, and not off at boarding 
schools. St. Louis brought disappointment. 10 Years later, he 
wrote to his wife of his willingness to attend the few families 
who appreciated his services, "but to engage in the barter 
and low intrigue so universally resorted to [in St. Louis] . . . 
by most of the profession I cannot, and never intend to hold 
myself subject to the call of every scamp whose object is to 
get well and then cheat you out of a fee. During the St. Louis 
cholera epidemic, in 1849, when he saw an average of 40 
patients a day many "scamps" must have had help. He was 
tired and receiving no just compensation from his profession 
for his labors, the trip to California meant, at least, the tem- 
porary abandonment of his practice. 11 Henry Knox, a frail lad 
of fifteen years, was to accompany his father on the venture 
for two years duration for health's sake. Joseph, an elder son, 
would have graduated from Yale trained as a geologist and 
mineralogist, but Joseph was not to be left behind for he 
answered his father's announcement with his own declaration 
of intention: college could be completed later. 12 

Reuben doubted the wisdom of his oldest son's decision. 
Would not Joseph miss the approaching dignity of the senior 
year; had he counted well the cost of giving up his college 
honors? If he was tired of applying himself to his studies 
there would be no question of his leaving, but if, on the other 
hand, the decision had been due to the lassitude and debility 
of physical frame there could be no better way "to develope 

9 Reuben to Joseph, January 14, 1850. 

10 Reuben to Joseph, January 14, 1850. 

11 Reuben to Joseph, July 16, 1849. 

12 Reuben to Joseph, February 13, 1850. 

70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the 'outer man' giving him muscle and vigor, than the camp- 
ing out such as the contemplated journey" 13 would afford. 

Joseph prepared himself for the journey in his few remain- 
ing months at Yale by thorough and critical examination of 
his cabinet specimens and close attention to Professor Silli- 
man's lectures. His father hoped that training would be valu- 
able in the California "diggins." 14 

Eliza, the doctor's wife, was to return to her people in 
North Carolina. Besides Joseph and Henry, a cousin Richard, 
a nephew and namesake Reuben, and several negro slaves 
were to accompany Dr. Knox to California. The "blacks" had 
been given an opportunity some years before to purchase 
their freedom but not a one but Lewis "had paid me one 
cent." 15 Reuben wrote in annoyance, "and he [Lewis] paid 
but about Vs the interest of his purchase price . . . Hunt, Har- 
riet, and Richard have not paid one cent." 16 Now, they were 
to be freed if they worked one year in the gold mines of Cali- 
fornia for their owner. 

The steamer "St. Paul," with Reuben as a passenger, had 
an uneventful trip from St. Louis to St. Joseph. Only twice 
was she aground and then for only an hour. To the doctor, 
however, the death of an intemperate Louisville man of de- 
lirium tremens was a significant event. He noted, "the lesson 
was a most sad one and I endeavored to impress upon the 
crowd around [many of whom had been frequently seen 
visiting the Bar] as the most effective temperance lecture in 
my power or that of any one to deliver." 1T 

On May 17 the entire party with horses, mules, and equip- 
ment was assembled at Old Fort Kearny, there Reuben sat 
on empty crates, in an abandoned Army blacksmith shop, 
writing his wife. This Fort Kearny ( site of present Nebraska 
City ) , had been abandoned two years before and a new Fort 
Kearny established by the Army on the Platte River. Only 
one white family now lived on the side of the river, for a 
stretch of one hundred miles. The old lady of this family, a 

13 Reuben to Joseph, February 13, 1850. 

"Reuben to Joseph, February 13, 1850. The professor, Ben H. Silliman, 
was an outstanding professor of geology at Yale University. 
15 Reuben to Joseph, January 14, 1850. 
"Reuben to Joseph, January 14, 1850. 
"Reuben to Eliza, May 6, 1850. 

Reuben Knox Letters 71 

Mrs. Harding, informed Reuben they had lived near the site 
of the old Fort for eight years. He found her quite communi- 
cative. Conversation had to be confined to a minimum, how- 
ever, as he had many details to attend to before departing. 
There were others at the fort westward bound and many were 
anxious to join the well-equipped Knox train of eleven 
wagons. Recently there had been a number of spurious tales 
of Indian massacres in the vicinity. Reuben was able to ac- 
commodate a number, some in wagons and some on foot, the 
latter promising to hire themselves out for assistance when 
needed, but fifty had their request denied as it was decided 
any additional wagons given permission to join would make 
the train unmanageable. 

The first leg of the journey was the 225 miles to new Fort 
Kearny. Indians would probably be encountered as the wagon 
road ran near the sight of the Pawnee homes. These Indians 
in the opinion of Reuben, would be the most treacherous and 
troublesome to be encountered, and to the doctor and his 
young companions, recently removed from home and cam- 
pus, the thought of encountering Indians in addition to the 
rigors of camp life must have been an exciting prospect. On 
the eve of their departure Reuben prayed to God that all the 
family might be permitted to meet once more, and more 
especially be prepared for that meeting, "where parting is 

On April 20 the train moved. The next day, near Saline 
or Salt Creek, they encountered a more violent gale 
and rain storm than Reuben had seen before. Tents were 
flooded and the following morning the mud was bogging the 
wagon wheels, and instead of covering the 20 miles set as a 
goal, Reuben camped after eight; but a more personal foe 
appeared, for on the fifth day they encountered Indians. 

When they were nearing the Pawnee capital the chief, 
mounted and in full costume, came out from his village and 
challenged the travellers. He dismounted, stooped to the 
earth, and tore hence a handful of grass saying "Pawnee 
good, Pawnee heap." Reuben realized the chief was thereby 
symbolizing his possession of the land, and the savage digni- 
tary soon made it clear tribute was expected from the tres- 

72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

passers. The white men were armed and Reuben, remember- 
ing that these Pawnees were noted for their stealing of goods 
and not the taking of lives, decided a bold front would be a 
better policy than the offering of tribute which might become 
a habitual demand if acquiescence was given. Dusk was 
approaching and the 100 mud huts of the Pawnee capital 
could be seen only two miles distant. The decision was made. 
Rather than push forward to the Indian stronghold, the order 
was given for the wagons to halt, and Reuben showing the 
strength of his men and arms, drove off the Pawnees by his 
bold defiance. No shot had to be fired, but a double guard 
was posted for the night. 

The following day was the Sabbath and it twinged Reu- 
ben's Christian conscience to move forward, but the sooner 
the environs of the Indian village were far to the rear the 
more secure would be his possessions. Not until it was neces- 
sary to ford a creek a short distance beyond the village did 
the Pawnees again threaten. When the first wagon refused 
to move further than midstream and a troublesome crossing 
was certain, what appeared to be 500 Indian men, women, 
and children appeared upon the scene. They made signs to 
the effect that the crossing could not be made. It was not 
clear whether the Indians intended to take an active part to 
insure the truth of their prediction, or simply were waiting 
for a predetermined course of events to materialize without 
Indian intervention. In any event, many of the men were 
frightened and would not go into the creek to work the 
wagons across, until Reuben waded waist deep in the water 
and ordered the Indians with emphatic gestures to clear the 
opposite bank. Again boldness won the day and later Reuben 
wrote, with some pride, "the Indians did not molest us while 
crossing after they saw our "Chief (myself) determined to 
have his way and not yield to them." Stiffened by the resist- 
ance of the white "Chief" the pedestrians in the Knox train 
who had promised to hire themselves for assistance waded 
in and each wagon was dragged across and up the opposite 
bank by the exertions of from forty to fifty men. 

The last of the Pawnees was seen when the party struck 
camp for the evening. When the cook fires had been lit and 

Reuben Knox Letters 73 

the men huddled near, perhaps lonesome for homes and fam- 
ily, and certainly chilled by the spring evening, a handful 
of braves straggled in to the circle of warmth and light. They 
desired no scalps, no trouble, but only a warm supper. Each 
had three or four meals and at least a gallon of coffee before 
wandering on several hours later. 

Three days later a band of Cheyennes in full battle array 
passed close by, but did not molest or detain the wagons. 
Over 100 strong with lances, shields, bows and arrows, toma- 
hawks, and many with guns and pistols, the warriors were 
hunting the Pawnees. Reuben learned that the whole band 
hoped to catch Pawnee hunting parties on excursions, or 
certainly steal some horses and mules from the Pawnee stock. 
Theft from the wagon trains had swollen the stock to a re- 
spectable number. Only the next day a representative from 
the army commander at Fort Kearny rode by accompany- 
ing a man who had had all his animals taken by the Pawnees. 
With Cheyennes and the authority of the army closing in on 
Reuben's recent dinner guests, accusations, denials, and even 
bloodshed might enliven the Pawnee capital, but Reuben 
and his party were moving on to the west. A week of storms 
and muddy tracks brought Fort Kearny into view, and a 
day's rest. 

"Two drams of the iron to 8 ounces of water, adding a 
little mint or cinnamon if desirable, that is two grams to a 
teaspoonful, and half a teanspoonful a dose for a child a year 
or two old." Far from his family and medical practice Reuben 
yet had both fresh in his mind. He was writing from the Fort 
to his wife, and the prescription was for little Betty and the 
infant Augustus. No, he was not exhausted by his labors, he 
reassured Eliza, but in contrast invigorated by them. Only 
the improvement in health justified the fatigue and hardship, 
". . . and nothing but this," he wrote, "— no money or other 
consideration would ever induce me to endure so long a sep- 
aration from my dear ones left behind." 

Reuben reported that around 30,000 persons had already 
passed the Fort on the south of the Platte River and a fourth 
as many on the north side. It is not surprising as he relaxed 
in his wagon and watched a continual stream of horses, 

74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mules, and oxen lumber by, that his estimate was a thousand 
wagons. There were no trees on his side of the Platte, and 
men from his train had to cross the five-mile river bottom 
with its half-mile of shallow water to fetch firewood on the 
other side. Some of the hired men and persons in the other 
wagons who had joined the Knox's were lazy and reluctant 
to perform chores such as this, but Joseph, Henry, nephew 
Reuben, and cousin Richard were proving their metal. Mean- 
while the train had averaged over 20 miles a day in spite of 
rain and Indians. Reuben must have faced the days ahead 
with some satisfaction as he faced west, on the eve of depar- 
ture to Fort Laramie, 337 miles distant. 

From Fort Kearny to Fort Laramie was twenty days, try- 
ing days, that left the Doctor little time for his own needs 
and those of the company, for his help was sought by hun- 
dreds from the stream of westward moving humanity. The 
grandure of Scott's Bluff distracted the Doctor only momen- 
tarily from his grim labors, and in a free moment he struggled 
valiantly to convey the feeling of awe aroused in him by the 
beauty of nature's creation. His respite was brief, however, 
for another of the endless sick-calls had to be made. Cholera 
had struck and fixed itself on the wagon road from Fort 
Kearny to Fort Laramie. 

Doctors were few along the wagon road and upon Reuben 
fell the burden of ministering to those in his vicinity who 
fell victim to the dread disease. News of his presence passed 
by word of mouth up and down the line of wagons. The last 
weeks in June saw Reuben riding from camp to camp, wagon 
to wagon, dismounting frequently to prescribe for those for 
whom there was a chance of survival and easing the suffer- 
ing of those he could not save. Many died before his eyes, 
for the mortality rate was high. He had to watch, unable to 
ward off death. Young and old died far from their homes in 
Georgia, Arkansas, and Missouri. Their dreams of reaching 
far-off California ended in a grave beside a mud track called 
a wagon road. A young husband from Illinois died in the 
arms of his pretty young wife; she, too, had cholera. Perhaps 
she could be saved as the infection had not yet reached its 
fatal stage, but there was no one with whom to share youth- 

Reuben Knox (1801-1851) and his wife, Eliza Heritage Washington 
Grist Knox (1808-1890). This picture was made immediately before 
his trip to California and was copied from the original owned by his 
granddaughter, Mrs. Roy M. Chipley, Raleigh. 

ivrn M 849-1936), son of Reuben 
Jl^kZ^fZ^ruI^ ti?Ch** - WW* owner 
of the original photograph. 

Reuben Knox Letters 75 

ful plans of happiness in the western land of promise. Again, 
as in St. Louis, the Doctor ministered to almost half a hun- 
dred each day. Because of his close watch and remedial 
treatments, in his own company only one died, a hired man, 
who remained faithful to his own homeopathic medicine until 
death. Once Fort Laramie had been passed, on June 20, the 
cholera decreased and Reuben could once again assume ac- 
tive leadership of his train. At Laramie a certain Carson, one 
of their passengers, took leave of them having met with a 
namesake there, the celebrated "Kit," who invited him to join 
his excursion to Santa Fe and thence to California. Reuben 
wrote to Eliza and then added, somewhat primly, that he 
hoped "he will not regret it." 

Laramie also brought news of Franklin. A year before his 
stepfather, Reuben, set out for St. Louis Franklin had begun 
an adventure of his own, joining a small party of men under 
the leadership of Captain Howard Stansbury, U.S.A., whose 
mission it was to survey and explore the Great Salt Lake 
region. Eighteen men were in the Stansbury expedition which 
left Fort Leavenworth in May, 1849, and it was Franklin's 
job to do sketches for the group. The news received by Dr. 
Knox was that the expedition was drawing to a close, and 
now the young artist might be persuaded to accompany the 
Knox train to California. The information was joyfully re- 
ceived and plans were made for Reuben, Joseph, and Henry 
to leave the wagon train, go South to Salt Lake, pick up 
Franklin, and then rejoin the wagons further on the road near 
the headwaters of the Humboldt River. 

With a pack train, Reuben and the two boys left the wagons 
on July 1. They found the road intolerably rough going and 
it was not until the 21 that they reached Salt Lake City. On 
the next day, Joseph was sent down the Lake to where 
the Stansbury party was in camp. Franklin was surprised 
by Joseph's arrival for he had received no hint as to the where- 
abouts of Reuben and the boys. Of course he, Franklin, 
would join them if permission could be obtained to leave his 
surveying party immediately. Permission was granted, and 
several days later all the boys of the Knox family, Franklin, 
Joseph, and Henry, rode out from Salt Lake City to join 

76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the wagon train almost 250 miles to the west. Along the 
way the young 22 year-old explorer, only recently returned 
from Oregon, recounted tales of adventure and invigorating 

A forced march of almost two weeks brought Cousin Rich- 
ard, the young nephew Reuben, the hired men, slaves and 
wagons onto the horizon. Reuben and the boys had to ride 
until two or three in the morning each day, to overtake the 
train. Several of the pack animals died of exertion, and 
Reuben's health was severely tried by the journey. All, how- 
ever, were rejuvenated by the junction with the wagons 
and now California seemed very close. There remained only 
the trip of almost 300 miles down the Humboldt, Carson 
Sink, the mountains, and then Sacramento City. The guide 
books described the Sink as 45 miles of desert and that would 
be trying, but 24 hours would see them across. Prospects 
were bright and despite the loss of a dozen or so of their 
animals and the abandonment of two of their eleven wagons 
along the road from Kearny. Their conversation must have 
been of the bright future they imagined in California when 
the stores had been established, mining operations begun, 
and Franklin in San Francisco continuing his painting. Per- 
haps Franklin's dreams were the most extended for he saw 
not only California ahead, but also an extended trip to Italy 
to nourish his artistic taste. 

Carson Sink was not adequately described by the guide 
books. Along the Humboldt grass and water were scarce and 
Reuben often had to swim the river in search of grass and 
water and horses and mules, but animals and men survived. 
The shock came when the grass and water disappeared 80 
miles before they reached the desert of the sink. The guide 
book was reread. It stated that the desert or sink was forty 
miles in extent, which meant for the Knox train 125 miles 
of desert and near desert. Hardship was suffered over the 
first 80 miles, but by extended trips off the road, patches 
of near-dry grass and water could be found. When the sink 
proper was reached the animals were in desperate shape. 
They were rested for two days, a little grass was found not 
too far away, but even the 48 hours did little to restore the 

Reuben Knox Letters 77 

animals' strength. Though Reuben had hoped to be on the 
sink only 24 hours, now there was little chance of this. 

The first night after the rest, twenty animals disappeared, 
after a number had been driven ahead on their own to reach 
grass and water. It was feared marauding Indians and un- 
principled white traders had stolen them during the night. 
Only two wagons crossed the sand, as seven had been lost, 
most along the Humboldt and the 80 miles of red desert. 
On the desert Reuben suffered the dysentery, common 
to the area, and resorted to opiates, dreaming at night of 
the comfort and consolation of Eliza's hand and his quiet 
evenings at home. More animals died, Reuben wrote that 
thousands lay dead, putrifying the air. After two more nights 
the water and food were reached but only by twenty-eight 
of the animals. Eighty-eight animals had died along the 
way. The wagon was left in the desert and Reuben thanked 
God that the men were spared. 

Later, writing of the nights and days out of the desert, 
Reuben held those to be the most trying of the journey and 
they alone made him decide that the trip would not be made 
again no matter how great the promise of success. The thing 
was now done, and the reward for their exertions, if justice 
be done, should be forthcoming. Reuben's plans, designed 
to produce a financial return for their physical and financial 
investment, were not unimaginative. Upon their arrival in 
Sacramento, on September 14, steps were taken quickly to 
put the plans in operation. With six members of the family, 
six slaves, and some hired men, Reuben utilized diversity of 
action to obtain maximum gain. Not only diverse, the tactics 
were truly ambitious; the goal was set for six figures in two 
years. The fields of activity were mining and merchandising. 
Henry and Reuben, the nephew, soon set out to try mining 
operations on the Consumnes River some 32 miles east of 
Sacramento. Merchandising, with several general stores in 
Sacramento or near the mines, would be the enterprise of 
Cousin Richard and Joseph as soon as arrived the shipment of 
goods sent, months before, from New Orleans. Already they 
were overdue, causing Reuben some consternation. As for 
Reuben, he did not plan, too rigidly, his pursuits, but planned 

78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to act as an overseeing supervisor of what might be called 
the "Knox Enterprises," to leave himself free to explore 
any opportunity the future might disclose. The idea of an 
additional store, in San Francisco, was even now crystallizing 
in his mind. Franklin, initially, was to follow his inclination 
for sketching and painting. He hoped to have his sketches 
of the Stansbury expedition engraved, and to establish him- 
self as an artist in San Francisco. 18 The hired men, who 
were not lured from Reuben's employment by higher wages, 
were apportioned between the mining venture and the work 
of establishing the store in Sacramento. As for the six slaves 
brought to California on condition they would work for 
Reuben one year for their freedom, they were, upon arrival 
in Sacramento, temporarily hired out. One man was promised 
8 to 10 dollars per day, another 3 or 4 dollars, George $100 
per month, Sarah $10 per week, and Fred $1.00 per day. 
Reuben's letters written from the start of the trip until his 
untimely drowning by the upsetting of a sailboat on May 
28, 1851, in the mouth of San Pablo Bay are included below. 
These letters are written to his wife or his sons and give a 
very clear picture of the journey, the part a doctor played 
in such an effort, hardships encountered, and the life of the 

From Reuben to Joseph A. Knox, Yale College, New Haven 

Rock Island, July 16, 1849 

My dear Son: 

My daily regret since we have been with your namesake uncle 
has been that you were not with us, as we would have our plea- 
sures doubled by your participation in them. You were apprized 
I think in the last letter mailed at home that we were about 
starting for this place. We left on the 3rd inst. and arrived on 
the 5th about 30 hours out, found bro. Joseph and little Joe 
slightly indisposed and Charlie was quite sick the day following, 
they all recovered in a day or two and we have all been very 
well ever since. Last week was very hot here, therm, from 93 to 
99 degrees, but we had a fine rain on Friday which cooled the 

M Franklin, Reuben's stepson, was the artist for the famed Stansbury 
Expedition exploring the Salt Lake region. 

Reuben Knox Letters 79 

air so much that on Saturday we rode out to the farm, had a 
delightfully pleasant time on the Prairies and killed during our 
stroll 18 Prairie hens and about a dozen doves, etc. This gives us 
Fine Picking when lunch hour arrives, and I assure you I prize 
it exceedingly as I have been so reduced by the fatigue of prac- 
tice, loss of sleep and inability to take my accustomed food that 
I feel the need of something of the kind very much. I lost 20 
lbs the last month that I spent at home. Had usually to see 
about 40 patients a day, most of them cholera, and never rested 
more than an hour at a time during the night, being called up 
from 3 or 4 to a dozen times between 11 at night and day light 
the next morning. I had three attacks myself but was enabled to 
subdue each in a few hours, leaving me however extremely 
prostrate. We have lost a great many physicians (12 at least) 
and the mortality has really been frightful among the citizens, a 
great majority however being foreigners. In some cases 150 and 
upwards have died in a day. Dr. Hardage Lane and Dr. Pollock 
died last week but we have abundant cause of thankfulness and 
gratitude to God that none of our own family, or relatives have 
been taken away. Mrs. Holden (Sarah Singleton, you recollect) 
died a few days before we left and Miss Amelia Thomas, the 
same day. Dr. Washington lost little Rosalie and Mrs. King her 
only child, little Frank, both taken and died between breakfast 
and tea. I can hardly think of anything but this awful scourge, 
and you must not think strange if you find nothing else in your 
letters from this region now as it is the all absorbing topic 
everywhere. Four died in one house last week a few miles back 
of Camden and four or five more were sick, they had been en- 
gaged during the excessive heat in the harvest fields. Very 
little of the disease here in Rock Island although there had been 
two deaths when we arrived. — none since. 19 

I will write you again before your summer vacation com- 
mences. In the mean time, Write Me At Once, directing here 
until the 1st of August. Should anything prevent your receiving 
further advices respecting your spending your time during va- 
cation you will recollect the hint given in my line written on the 
Ohio, mailed in Cin.i (which I trust you read although I have 
not been apprized of the fact) and I hope spend the time plea- 
santly and profitably with our good friends in Blandford. 
Cousin Samuel and family with Mrs. Kerr are there and you will 
find it pleasant to assist the uncles in the hayfields. The axe, and 
Active Use Of Your Muscles in connection with it, as on last 
summer, will do more toward invigorating your physical frame 

19 The cholera epidemic was particularly bad during the summers of 1849 
and 1850, and was spread by the many parties going to California. 


Reuben Knox Letters 81 

than you may now be aware of, but the time will come (too late 
if neglected now) , when you will be fully aware of it, and have 
Bitterly To Lament any opportunity of the kind unimproved. 
Bro. Joseph and Mr. Mixter have not yet finished their new 
houses but they are exceedingly pleasant and spacious even now 
in their unfinished state. Had a letter from Franklin seven days 
out from Fort Leavenworth, was well but had a "sight of the 
Elephant" 20 once in a while as he said. I hope the rugged jaunt 
will restore his constitution somewhat to its condition before 
entering college for I assure you, it reed a severe shock there, and 
Mainly I Think From Indulgence In Smoking, and I hope 
if you have any regard for my own feelings, or Your Own 
Future Good, you will not have anything of the kind to lament 
over, after your course is completed. 21 1 send a small check ($30) 
and will forward more in time for your term bills etc. Much love 
from Ma, little Betty & all. In haste, your very 

affectionate father, R. KNOX. 

From Reuben to Joseph A. Knox, Yale College, New Haven 

St. Louis, Jany. 14, 1850 
My dear Son : 

I am constrained to write you although we are none of us in 
your debt I think. I have been looking for a letter for some time 
although if you did not write until mine containing dft. for 125 
dolls, was read, there is barely time for your prompt answer to 
reach here. As we are so situated that you cannot spend any of 
your vacation at home, I hope you will devote much of each 
recurring one to writing us. It is really a sore trial that you have 
to be so long absent and this was one inducement for me to send 
Wm. to Jacksonville where we can see him at any time in 24 
hours at this college in case of sickness or accident of any kind, 
and then have him at home each vacation. 22 

We are all tolerably well ; quite well except Henry and myself. 
I fear I shall have to take him from school as he studies so hard 
that his health appears to be failing and I think it more im- 
portant for him as well as the rest of you, to have a constitution 
capable of enduring hardship and fatigue which you will be 
sure to meet with (if of any account) than to have the mind 

20 This expression refers to having an outstanding experience of life. 

21 Reuben was opposed to the use of tobacco in any form and warned 
his family against its uses. 

22 Jacksonville College is now Illinois College in Jacksonville, Illinois. 

82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

even so well stored, with no PHYSICAL power of endurance. 23 
Betty, during my temporary absence has continued the subject 
as you will perceive about this place [scribbling noticeable, Ed.] 
and you may consider it as her loving epistle. She says "if 
Brother Joseph was here now he would love his little sister so 
well, and would give her so many sweet kisses" etc. etc. She talks 
of all her absent brothers very often and I hope will one day 
have them all at home together. 

Franklin writes in good health and spirits and gives a glow- 
ing description of the great Valley and of some of its mountain 
prospects. By the way did you know that I had decided to make 
him a visit next spring? If not, I must tell you that is no joke, 
but sober earnest. I have been perplexed out of my wits, to know 
what to do with our negroes, and have as you may be aware 
given them opportunities to procure their freedom. They have 
had between two and three years to make the trial, and no one 
except Lewis has yet paid me one cent and he not but about % 
the Interest on his purchase price, and not any of the principal. 
Hunter, Harriet and Richard have not paid one cent of either 
prin. or int. and you can easily calculate how long they would 
be in accomplishing the object at this rate. 24 

I propose now to free them on condition that they work for 
me one year in the gold mines of California, and if I succeed in 
making up the right sort of company, intend to start the last of 
April next for that region. Cousin Richard [not first cousin] will 
accompany me, and HENRY, if his ardor does not abate before 
the time comes. He Must Go At Some Active Employment, 
and I think the rough and tumble life during the journey out 
and stay in the mountains, will be as good as anything I can 
devise for him. I have very hard struggling to get along here, 
and cannot with the utmost economy, "make both ends meet" 
as the saying is, having annually to reduce my little property 
one thousand dollars at least. I make this humiliating confession 
to you for your own private ear, and to show you the importance 
of establishing proper habits of industry and economy now in 
early life. 25 I shall make some arrangements before leaving so 
that you will be provided with funds for the remainder of col- 
lege life and hope you see the imporance of using Self-Denial 
Even, if necessary to reduce those funds as much as possible. 
Let me hear from you Immediately on the reception of this and 

23 Henry was enrolled in a local school in St. Louis, Missouri. 

24 Reuben had acquired slaves in Missouri for his trip. 

25 Reuben had sufficient funds to support his family in North Carolina, 
send several sons to college, provide for his trip, and enough remaining 
to purchase a ranch and goods for a store in California. 

Reuben Knox Letters 83 

as often as you can consistently do in future. Ma and the children 
send much love and I need not assure you of my constant anxie- 
ty and deep solicitude for your welfare both spiritual and tem- 

Your aff. father, 


Reuben to Joseph at Yale 

St. Louis, Feb. 13th 1850 

My dear Son : 

Yours of the 29th ulto. is just reed, and has taken me "all 
aback" as much so as mine did you, and perhaps you have not 
"counted well the cost" or you would not be so willing to make 
the sacrifice of giving up your college honors and the Dignity of 
Senior year. 26 

I really cannot reconcile my mind to the thought that you are 
not to Complete a Thorough College Education At Some 
Time, and the portion of your letter which gives me pause is 
that where you speak of "long having had a wish to leave." If it 
be ill health, or a fear that your physical frame is becoming 
shattered by the confinement, and close mental application to 
which you are subject, that causes this desire, I would not feel 
so about it, except lamenting the necessity of course, — and if 
this be the Only cause you are entirely excuseable, but that you 
should have a Distaste For Study is, a very distressing thought. 

I hope this is not the case. And now, my dear Joseph, I must 
tell you frankly that every other consideration must give way 
when your HEALTH is considered, and if that is in danger of 
being seriously impaired, I would not have you remain another 
year, as anxious as I am to have you complete your course with 
distinction and honor, and I have no doubt your anxiety to quit 
college for some time past has been mainly owing to the lassi- 
tude and debility of your physical frame. 

Could this excursion have been foreseen, a year or so ago, so 
that you could have come away a thorough Geologist and Min- 
erlogist, it would have been just playing into my hand, and I 
should have Urged you (if necessary) to accompany me as it 
would certainly add much to my happiness during the two years 
absence to have you along, and I have no doubt you would go with 

26 Joseph had written his father of his desire to go West with the party 
and delay his college graduation. This his father agreed to with some re- 

84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a willing heart and ready hand, determined to make yourself 
useful at whatever HARD WORK came your way. 

I Am Not Only Willing But Anxious to have you go, if (as 
I have said above) your health demands it, as I think no course 
of life better calculated to develop the "outer man", giving him 
muscle and vigor than camp out such as the contemplated jour- 
ney will afford. We shall have no "lookers on" en route, or when 
Squatted At The Diggins, and if you can make up your mind 
to take an ACTIVE PART in whatever of labor and hardship 
comes in the way, you can make preparation to leave by the 
middle of March. I wish to have you remain a little while in 
order to get what information you can from Prof. Sillimans 
lectures and devote ALL YOUR TIME if need be, to the exami- 
nation, Thorough And Critical of your cabinet specimens 
(which I know are very fine), and gaining all the information 
you can from any quarter. Ascertain what are the Best works on 
both subjects. I have only Hitchcock's Geology, Syells & Danas 
[ ?] works in part. 27 You had best dispose of what books you can 
to advantage, sell your furniture and every thing that would be 
an encumbrance on your return. Buy a good cheap trunk. Br. 
Justus bought one or two when I was in Blandford for 2% dol- 
lars I think, which will answer every purpose, as we can take 
no heavy ones on the plains. Defer the purchase of any new 
clothes until you come home as you will need a different sort 
on the mountains from [Illegible] 

I will write again in a week, sending you what change you may 
need, urging you at the same time to Save every dime you 
possibly can. 

This is written in great haste to make the present mail. 

Henry jumped so high when I told him Br. Jo. might go that 
the ceiling of the room like to have suffered, 
[enclosures from Henry and Eliza] 

Yr. aff . father, 


Reuben to Joseph at New Haven 

St. Louis, March 13, 1850 

My dear Son, 

As there is no time now to "dilly dally" as the boys sometimes 
say, I will tell you that yours of the 27th is just rec'd and I drop 

27 These were names of geology texts. 

Reuben Knox Letters 85 

you this by first mail. I do not know "that I have misunder- 
stood the reasons which you had for making such an unexpected 
request" but as I was anxious to have you take a calm and un- 
impassioned view of the whole matter and especially to take 
a Sharp Squint at the Dark Side Of The Picture, perhaps 
I gave you too plain a talk. I did not intend to cast any imputa- 
tions or intimate that you were any kin to the tribe of "Drakes", 
for this I never believed. It is a reality a rough jaunt, but one 
which I think above all others best calculated to infuse a good 
stock of IRON into the constitution, in which commodity I 
feared both you and Henry were rather deficient. 28 

I hardly know what to tell you if your mind is not already made 
up by my last letter (or two letters as the one containing the 
dft $150 and one a few days after are not noticed by you) and 
must leave the matter entirely to you. Must confess that I had 
anticipated much pleasure in your company on the way and in 
Cal. and Henry is so much depressed at your present announce- 
ment that his is almost sick. 

Should you conclude to come out and accompany us, do so as 
soon as possible. If you do not go over the plains with us you 
had best remain in Yale as Ma is provided with an escort part 
of the way and we do not wish you to come on merely to accom- 
pany her and cannot afford the means, as you will have no time 
to visit. 

If you conclude to remain and finish your course you had best 
abandon the idea of going to California in the spring and accom- 
pany Ma in the fall. 

My late letters being more definite and containing the news that 
Joseph and Reuben were going from Blandf ord, 29 1 am more than 
half inclined to believe that you will be on the way before you 
receive this (which I direct to be forwarded to Blandf ord if 
necessary) and shall mail further advices with great anxiety as 
we now intend to leave by the Middle Of April if possible which 
is only 4 Weeks From Next Monday. 

I send this to Cincinnati by fast boat to [illegible] the mail 
and I shall have no other opportunity to communciate with you 
by letter after this which is written as you will see in great 

Very aff. your father, R. KNOX 

P.S. I wrote the above at the store this morning but finding the 
boat does not leave until 4 P.M. brought it home for Ma to 

28 Reuben had almost convinced Joseph, for a time, that the son's con- 
stitution would not be robust enough to make the trip. 

29 Reuben's birthplace. 

86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fill. As she has no time she bids me inform you that she is very- 
sorry you are wavering in your determination as she was very 
anxious to have both you and Franklin along with me and I 
can frankly say I Should Greatly Prefer It, though if you 
have any objection other than what you mentioned, do not think 
anything more about it as I will make some kind of arrange- 
ments for your expenses the coming year. 

You would not be able to join me in California after your col- 
lege life ends as I shall be for starting home about the time you 
would reach there as you could only go by the Isthmus so late 
in the season, and the fall or late summer is the worst of all 
seasons ever to take that route. 

But good-bye again, 
Do As You Please. 

Reuben to his Wife, Eliza 

Steamer St. Paul, May 3, 1850 
2 p.m. near Herman. 

My dear Wife : 

The last hour has been a sad one to me, as recalling by its 
return, the sad one of parting with those so dear and precious to 
me as my beloved Eliza and the sweet baby. 30 'Twas indeed, is 
now and ever will be an hour so sad that no language of mine 
can describe it, and as the hours, days, weeks and months roll 
on its impress will only become more and more deep and lasting 
and I now find no relief but in looking forward to the time when 
the joyous reunion will obliterate all the past and be remembered 
while life lasts as the happy hour more than compensating for 
the agony endured yesterday. I have hardly thought of anything 
since we parted but you and yours — Little Betty's warm heart 
almost overpowering her, yet not fully understanding the mean- 
ing of what she saw. I am glad she cannot see all of "papa's 
tears" as I would not make her unhappy. Give many kisses to 
her and little Augustus and tell them every day how well their 
father loves them and how constantly he is thinking about them 
and their dear Mama and how glad he is to think she will try to 
make Ma happy by being a Good girl, a Pleasant girl, and a 
Kind And Happy girl. Tell her we have two little girls "3 years 
old" in the cabin going to California, but a whole cabin full 
of them would not please her papa half so well a his "little sweet 
darling, precious daughter". 

But I shall forget to tell you anything about our progress, 
and then you would have no news for friends. My letters you 

30 Late in April, 1850, Reuben's party set out by steamer up the Missouri 

Reuben Knox Letters 87 

must well know by their character are chiefly intended for your 
own ear, as my heart is so full that I can hardly conjure up any 
other topic. We had a fine run last night, but have been aground 
so often today that I fear the boat will not get to St. Joe at all, 
much less by the time the "Mary Blaine" leaves to go higher 
up. The Highland Mary passing down this morning will report 
us aground. We got off soon after, having been aground twice 
since, perhaps an hour each time, but now appear much faster 
than ever and may lie on the bar all night from present appear- 
ance. It is raining and quite warm. 

You did not intend to deprive me the pleasure of writing to 
you I hope by keeping back all the letter paper, but even if you 
did I will excuse you on condition that you fill it all in your own 
inimitable style for me, and now and then a kind message from 
little Betty. 

The boat shakes and rolls so in the powerful effort of the 
powerful engine to plunge through or back off the sand bar that 
I must stop or give you a scroll you cannot read. 

Saturday morning, 8 o'clock. — We have made little progress 
since I wrote you from the sand bar, my dear, having gotten 
off so near night that we could not run, and this morning have 
stuck half a dozen times at least, are still in sight of Herman, 31 
which is only 111 miles from St. Louis. We have such a crowd 
on board that I sometimes find it difficult to procure a seat 
until the 4th table. In order to do it one would have to take a 
chair as soon as one leaves the stateroom, before the cabin is 
swept or table spread and remain unmoveable or if determined 
upon the second or third chair, take position immediately in rear 
of his more fortunate neighbor and wait to seize his chair with 
a nigh[?] grasp as he rises from the table. All this being as 
[illegible] you know I am not one partial to fasting? I come out 
3d or 4th as the case may be. Don't fail to write me at Fort 
Laramie, and I think a letter might reach me directed to the 
care of the Quartermaster at Fort Kearney by the regular mail. 
I shall leave this at Hermann and write you again from Inde- 
pendence or perhaps sooner. Much love to all and many kisses for 
the dear children. Tell Mr. Kerr's and Samuels family that I 
intended to call but could not. Mr. Marks and Dr. Washington 
also I feel a little nervous this morning, headache pain in the 
back and side owing I think to the sudden change to severe cold 
during the night and to not sleeping any of any consequence. 
Kindest and best wishes to our dear friends, Mr. and Mrs. Post 
and family. How thankful I am that their lives are allspared. 
How is Mr. Lages child? Yr. Affectionate husband, R.K. 

31 Hermann was a village in eastern Missouri, settled by a German group 
in 1737. 

88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

P.S. Did not stop at Hermann as I expected and now as we are 
drawing near Jefferson City at the hour of sunset, I give you a 
second good bye. I feel better this evening and hope to continue 
well. There is very little probability now of overtaking the boat 
at St. Joe, and I shall have to wait for the Sacramento, or go up 
from there by land [ ?] 

I hope to sleep better tonight, but can hardly become composed 
enough yet to sleep at all. It hardly seems possible that I am 
really away from all I hold so dear for so long a time, but it 
must be so. Yet rest assured you are not out of my mind a 
single minute. Your devoted [illegible] and husband, R.K. 

Steamer St. Paul, Tuesday A.M., May 6th, 1850 
My dear Wife: 

I cannot sit down to write even a business letter, which this 
must be (if letter it may be called), without making you the 
medium of communication as I cannot yet draw off my thought 
to any other object. We have gotten along well since I wrote you 
at Jeff n City, passed the Kansas last evening at Lexington 32 
and are within six or seven hours of the Mary Blaine, — so you 
see I had the pleasure of one precious day ivith you after Captain 
Jewett left, without any loss of time to me, but probably half a 
day's gain. 

It is raining quite hard and has been since 10 last night and this 
morning we had some snow at day break, really a cheerless pros- 
pect for camp life, but I trust we shall all be prepared to endure 
it patiently. 

My dear Wife, we are at Kansas 33 12 miles above Independence 
and I should not write you until I reached St. Joseph but for the 
opportunity now presenting of handing to a Mr. Hanson who 
leaves tonight. The reason I did not leave or finish this at In- 
dependence is that I have been disappointed in not having the 
mules to on to Ft. K. as I intended. I found Cousin Reuben and 
Henry waiting at Indep. where they had been 5 days as Joseph 
did not get my letter and had left before their arrival, and I 
have not a word from them yet, and do not know whether he 
succeeded in getting the complement of mules or not. 

We passed the Mary Blaine at Liberty 34 about 20 miles below 
and found all well. They were waiting for the mules to arrive 
which they had to put off one hundred miles below to lighten 
the boat as she could not stem the rapid current with the load. 

38 «1 

Lexington is a town in Lafayette County, Missouri. 
'Kansas" is now Kansas City. A number of mules had to be secured 
before the party set out across the Plains. 
84 Liberty was a town in western Missouri. 

Reuben Knox Letters 89 

Hope she will get up, however, by the time the grass grows. I 
am hurrying on to get to St. Joe as soon as possible and if I 
find Joseph there with the mules to start him on to Ft. K., our 
starting point. 

I shall not probably write you again until the boat returns 
from Ft. K., unless something unusual occurs when I shall ever 
give you the earliest possible information. Tell all the friends of 
my passengers whom you may see that they are very well. We 
have had no sickness on board, but a poor intemperate man of 
about 60 from Louisville who died about sunset this evening of 
delirium tremens. I was looking at the west, thankful that the 
cloudy, dreary morning had ended in so delightful an evening, 
thinking of you as I ever shall, especially at the hour of twilight, 
when I was called to see him, only in time to see him breathe one 
gasp. The lesson was a most sad one, and I endeavored to im- 
press it upon the crowd around (many of whom had been fre- 
quently seen visiting the Bar), as the most effective temperance 
lecture in my power or that of any other one to deliver. Hope 
it may have some good effect. 

In haste, my beloved, with many kisses for the little ones and 
kind wishes for all friends. Yr. devoted husband, R. Knox. 

Care of Sam'l Knox, Atty, 
Vine St. 


Mrs. Doct. R. Knox, 

St. Louis, Mo. 

Favor of 
Mr. Hanson 

St. Joseph, May 11, 1850 

My dear Wife: 

Cousin Richard and the black ones have just arrived and I 
drop you a line by the Saranac at the landing to let you know 
how we all are. I have had continued disappointment since we 
reached Independence, not finding matters as I had hoped, and 
Joseph not having received my letters instructing him to re- 
main, etc., I found him here with what mules were not dead or 
stolen, four having died, and six lost of which we have recovered 
four. One was lost off the Mary Blaine, so you see I have lost 
and they have all been so very badly attended that I shall have 
to sacrifice 3 more as they will not answer for the journey or 
sell for anything. We (Joseph and I) have purchased 20 more 
and I shall have to remain here until Monday to purchase 6 or 

90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

8 more, and go up by land (110 miles) with them. Joseph went 
up this morning on the Mary Blaine. In fact, he was absent 
when I arrived as he had waited so long for us, and been in- 
formed that we were all to start for Independence that he went 
down there 3 or 4 days before I arrived and returned on the 
Mary Blaine. 

It is now near 12 midnight, and I am so troubled about my 
affairs that I can hardly tell you anything else. 

You must not credit the tales you may hear (as we have done) 
of murders on the plains by the Indians, as there is no truth at 
all in them. 

Mrs. Williams is tired of the California mania she had so 
desperately bad, and will return by the boat. Of this I am truly 
glad. The rest are all getting along finely and I trust will con- 
tinue to do so. We shall not leave the frontier before the 20th 
but hope to do so by that time. The grass has hardly started at 
all on the prairies, but the water is now fine. 

I could only sleep a few moments last night, and while I did 
was continually dreaming of dear little Betty, thinking I had 
her in my arms looking after mules and running about town mid 
the motley crowd thronging the streets. I would that the dream 
could be reality as I would so delight to have her in my arms 
even under any circumstances of that kind. Hope she, little 
Augustus and their dear Mother are all well. 

Many kisses to all three and kind regards to Mr. Post's family 
and our friends in general. Hope you will have a good escort 
home. I have been wishing it might be the new professor at 
Chapel Hill as he would be going direct to Raleigh. 

I forgot to write the receipt for you to send your brother 
John C. The amount rec'd was $497 (four hundred ninety- 
seven dollars) . Please forward it to him, to be written like the 
others you have sent. Give my love to them all when you write, 
or go to Carolina. Will write you once more in St. Louis, and 
now good night my dearest. R. KNOX. 

To Mrs. Dr. R. Knox, 

Steamer Saranac. St. Louis, Mo 

St. Joseph, May 12th, 1850 

Sabbath Morn. 

I am here alone, my dear, for the day in a little upper room 
of a private family, and must spend some of the time before 
church in communing with you. The Sabbath will ever be spent, 
I trust, in an especial manner, by us both, in imploring our 
Heavenly Father's blessing, protection and care for each other 

Reuben Knox Letters 91 

and our precious little immortals now entirely under your guar- 
dian care. May they ever be near you, and may you and I have 
grace given us to train them up for Him who gave himself a 
willing sacrifice for us all. I really feel NOW that I am Alone 
in deed and in truth, in a sense I think I never Realized before, 
and I cannot refrain from weeping when I think of it, but I 
confide in one who is able to spare me if it be His righteous will, 
and restore me to your arms again. But I must change the topic 
or defer writing altogether as my feelings have gotten the com- 
plete mastery over my weak nature and Henry and the men 
coming in I do not wish to betray my tears and what they may 
construe into childishness. 

I wrote you a very hasty line last night in the office of the 
boat about midnight, and sent by the "Saranac" which I hope 
you will receive in 3 or 4 days and I COMMENCE this letter 
only here with the hope of completing it before we start from 
the river. I am writing by a window looking out upon a very 
neat and commodious church where Rev. Mr. Reeve preaches 
when at his post, but I suppose he is with you in St. Louis now. 
His church stands about half way up a very high hill on the 
summit of which is a very fine court house. This place is beau- 
tifully located and thriving very rapidly, but the society if I am 
to judge from what we can see now is anything but desirable, 
profanity, gambling and drinking appear fashionable in all 
circles of business. I hope there are redeeming qualities among 
those more [illegible] to prevent it becoming another Sodom 
and share its fate. 

I am glad you have a little more time than you had given 
yourself to spend with our kind St. Louis friends and hope when 
you reach Carolina I shall hear that "All's Well" with you and 
the children and that your journey has been attended with no 
accident or unpleasant occurrence. I saw Mrs. Dr. Fibbets on 
the boat last night, and found her quite well and so far as I 
could judge, pleased, withall. They went on at 1 or 2 oclk and 
will probably reach Fr. K. about Wednesday. I shall not be able 
to get through with the mules until Thursday or Friday. Shall 
look for your letter by express mail at Fort Laramie and hope 
not to be disappointed. After this leaves I shall direct my next 
and following to Hillsboro. Do not fail to have a letter on the 
way for me every other week when once you are quietly settled 
down at our dear sister Susan's, and tell her I shall ever prize 
one from her exceedingly. 

Procure some fine French paper so that you may fill 3 or 4 
sheets for me occasionally without incumbering the mail. — The 
bell rings and I must heed its call to church. 

92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

P.M. Henry and I have just been feasting ourselves upon the 
orange you put into my hand at parting. I hoped to keep it 
longer but discovered a speck on it today, and could not without 
losing it altogether. You cannot realize how every little token is 
cherished by me, and I am constantly reminded of my dear 
Eliza in a thousand ways. Your ten thousand kind offices of 
love, now deprived of, are constantly coming to mind and the 
thought that for two long years those soothing attentions cannot 
be bestowed, that hand placed upon my aching head and heart, 
pressed in sympathetic affection to mine, is too much for me, 
and Could I Do It, I would return the moment the wagons were 
all under way, but it cannot be and I must endure all. Would 
not encounter the like again for all earth's treasures. My head, 
I think, has troubled me less of late, — once or twice have felt like 
falling, and I hope if all prospers on the journey to be entirely 
relieved. Heard a pretty good discourse this morning from a 
Methodist preacher in the Baptist church, — no other opened in 
town except the Catholic. Mr. Reeve had no one to supply his 
pulpit, and the Baptist clergyman has gone to California, the 
regular Methodist to St. Louis General Conference. 

I was rejoiced to find in the bundle of old letters I brought 
along to read on the boat some of yours written in 1841 during 
my tour of business up the river. Shall keep them along to read 
over every opportunity until I hear from your warm heart 
afresh, and that must be a long time indeed. Was disappointed 
that we could not complete the reperusal of our old letters to- 
gether as intended. Keep mine and remember that the love and 
solicitude expressed in them have, if changed at all, been great- 
ly increased by the many happy hours spent together since that 
time, and the innumerable acts of devotion and self-denial on 
your part; and if my letters fail to reach you, consider the 
thoughts therein uttered as being sent to you on every western 
breeze wafted over the plains. I shall surely be thinking and 
wishing to send my thoughts and hearts warmest affections to 
you, and nothing but an opportunity will prevent. 

But my paper is filled and I must take another sheet when I 
reach the fort. Good night with many a kiss for little Betty and 
the sweet little brother. Tell her she is ' 'father's precious, darling 
little daughter", and ever will be while she is kind to her Mama. 

Ft. Kearney, May 17, 1850 

My dear Wife : 

I have but a moment to write you to say that we have all met 
again, but one man Devore who is missing, having gone three 
days since to look for Joseph's horse, which broke away, taking 

Reuben Knox Letters 93 

another fine horse along, and I am inclined to think he has stolen 
both and taken the money to go on or possibly return to St. 

His name is S. H. Devore (an engineer), and I want you to 
have Cousin Timothy or Samuel to have Marshall Phelps or some 
officer on the lookout for him and if found in St. Louis dealt 
with as other horse thieves ought to be. I do not know that they 
can do anything without further proof, but the above are the 
facts, and if I ever live to meet him he shall suffer severe penalty 
in some shape. I arrived here yesterday but cannot get the mules 
over yet. We hope to do so however today and get off on Mon- 

The boat is about to be off and I have no time to finish this 
letter. Good-bye my dearest, and may Heaven's richest blessings 
ever attend you and all we love. 

Many kisses and every kind one you can devise for the dear 

Ever your devoted husband, 

I intended to have finished the letter begun in St. Joseph but 
had no time. R.K. 

[To be continued] 


North Carolina: History, Geography, Government. By Hugh T. 
Lefler. (New York: World Book Company. 1959. Pp. xiv, 
530. $3.95.) 

The latest work of Hugh T. Lefler, Kenan Professor of 
History at the University of North Carolina, is a textbook 
designed primarily for junior high school students. It is 
slightly more advanced than The Growth of North Carolina, 
published in 1940, by Lefler and the late Albert Ray New- 
some, and includes material on geography and government 
not found in the earlier work. 

Thirteen of the fifteen units tell the story of the historical 
development of North Carolina from the time of Columbus 
to the administration of Governor Luther H. Hodges. Appro- 
priately placed early in the volume is a unit on the influence 
of the Outer Banks, the mountains, and other geographical 
features on the growth of the State. The last unit is a sub- 
stantial explanation of the structure and operation of local, 
State, and federal government in North Carolina. The units 
are divided into chapters, each of which has study helps pre- 
pared by Mary Bates Sherwood. There is also an Appendix 
containing a list of events and their dates, a table of gover- 
nors, a summary of the formation of counties, and several 
biographical sketches. 

From the viewpoint of the teacher using this publication, 
the materials relating to history, geography, and govern- 
ment have not been integrated or fused but have been cor- 
related in such a way as to make each subject yield its values 
to the others. Thus the book may be used by the teacher who 
employs the social studies approach to the study of the State 
as well as by the teacher who thinks in terms of a conventional 
course in North Carolina history. 

North Carolina: History, Geography, Government is skill- 
fully and beautifully ilustrated with twenty-two maps and 
several hundred sketches, portraits, and photographs. Most 
of the illustrations relate directly to the content and appear 


Book Reviews 95 

at the proper location in the text of the narrative. Especially 
impressive are twenty-four pages of photographs in color. 
The popular double-column format is used throughout, and 
the pages are made inviting by numerous section headings 
in boldface type. 

Use of this carefully prepared text in the schools of the 
State will unquestionably result in greater understanding 
and appreciation of the historical heritage of North Caro- 
linians. Professor Lefler and the World Book Company have 
produced an outstanding work in its field. 

Henry S. S troupe. 

Wake Forest College. 

Historical Geography of the North Carolina Outer Banks. By 
Gary S. Dunbar. Supervised and edited by Fred Kniffen. 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1958. Pp. 
xii, 234. $3.00.) 

The Outer Banks of North Carolina are geographically 
peculiar and historically interesting. With better roads and 
popular boating, the area is receiving unprecedented at- 
tention from those who look for an unspoiled spot in the 
backwash of the tide of progress. Along with the press 
clippings come a few solid studies of which this book is 
one of the best. 

In one sense a historical geography of the Outer Banks 
is about the only real history of the place that can be written. 
So unusual and so intransigent are its physical characteristics 
that nature, until now, has had the upper hand in shaping 
the land and its people. The author has not had to select 
greatly to produce this study; most of what has happened 
from the colonial period to the modern era has been within 
his realm of inquiry. A number of matters are neglected 
(archaeology, geology, botany, Indians, cartography, and 
wrecks), not because of inappropriateness to historical geo- 
graphy but because of detailed treatment in other studies. 
Despite the editor's mention of a similar neglect of early 
exploration, that subject is rather fully covered. 

96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A striking feature of the book is the proportion of text 
(107 pages) to notes, bibliography, and index (127 pages). 
Readers who are inclined to pass over documentation will 
miss some interesting material in the notes. For example, 
the notes contain about as much, and just as interesting 
material on methods of fishing, as does the text. Helpfully 
the author has explained in detail many bygone ways of 
doing things that lend flavor to the book without detracting 
from its substance. Yet, if one had to name a defect of the 
book, this reviewer would say that it fails to convey the flavor 
of the Outer Banks. For example, there are eight consecutive 
pictures of houses that look very similar, yet none of a light- 
house, a wreck, a sand dune, a storm, marsh grass, sea oats, 
a twisted tree, or an old fisherman. The indigenous skills of 
the Bankers and the Coast Guard in lifesaving work go almost 
unmentioned nor is there enough said about the hazards to 
those ashore and afloat from Atlantic storms. The words 
"hurricane" and "erosion" do not appear in the index. 
Whether the author's "two far-too-brief visits" to the Banks 
prevented his grasping and conveying the uniqueness of the 
place one can only guess. 

The book was written under contract with the National 
Park Service, recent and probably permanent owner of most 
of the Outer Banks. It is Number Three of the Coastal Studies 
Series (James P. Morgan, Editor), a division of Louisiana 
State University Studies (Richard J. Russell, General Editor). 

Winston Broadfoot. 

Director, George Washington Flowers Memorial Collection, 

Duke University. 

New Hanover County Court Minutes, 1738-1769. Abstracted, 
compiled, and edited by Alexander McDonald Walker. 
(Bethesda, Maryland: Privately Printed. 1959. Pp. xii, 123. 
Introduction, maps, charts, and index. $5.00.) 

The early county courts in North Carolina were far more 
than just judicial bodies. Made up of three or more justices, 
the county courts also sat as the chief governmental ad- 

Book Reviews 97 

ministrative agency of the county and conducted all of the 
major public business. This practice remained in force until 
1868, when the Pennsylvania system of local government 
was established. Thus the court minutes prior to that date 
well reflect the life and culture of colonial North Carolina. 
In this regard editor Walker has made a valuable contribution 
to the published history of the Cape Fear Region. 

All of the great and the old names of the Cape Fear for 
the period are here: Cornelius Harnett, Roger and Maurice 
Moore, Edward Moseley, the Meares, the DeRossets, and 
others. The court minutes reveal them going about their 
day-to-day activities, concerned with land transactions, reg- 
istration of branding marks, settling estates, doing jury duty, 
and taking part in the trial of minor criminal cases. The vol- 
ume will prove to be a rich resource for genealogists and 
historians of tidewater North Carolina. 

The source materials for this book are the original manu- 
script records in the files of the North Carolina Department 
of Archives and History. Due to the poor condition of the 
folios, however, at the time they were delivered to the 
Archives, use of the originals is impractical. The author has 
reduced the records to easily readable abstracts which will 
make the valuable historical data they summarize readily 
accessible to everyone. He is due our appreciation for both his 
contribution and the excellent and scholarly manner in which 
he has made it. 

Raleigh. John R. Jordan, Jr. 

New Hanover County Court Minutes, Part II, 1771-1785. 
Abstracted, compiled, and edited by Alexander McDonald 
Walker. (Bethesda, Maryland: Privately Printed. 1959. Pp. 
v, 120. $5.00.) 

Throughout the colonial period and until the end of the 
Civil War, the Inferior Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions 
was the principal administrative, as well as judicial, authority 
in each of the counties of North Carolina. This "County 
Court," as it was usually called, was composed of all the 

98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

justices of the peace in the county, and it met at least four 
times a year. 

Matters in common law which involved limited amounts 
of money, petty larcenies, assaults, and breaches of the peace 
came within the jurisdiction of this Court. Sometimes criminal 
cases were determined if the penalty did not exceed a limited 
fine or imprisonment, or if the offender were a slave. Cases 
were heard which involved proof of deeds, legacies, intestate 
estates, and matters concerning orphans. Levying of the 
county poll tax, maintenance of highways, licensing of ordi- 
nary keepers, provision of public grist mills, and appoint- 
ment of grand and petit juries also were functions of the 
County Court. 

The minutes of this Court for the County of New Han- 
over, abstracted and edited by Mr. Walker, have just been 
compiled for the years 1771-1785. They constitute Part II 
of a compilation which began with the minutes of 1783. 

Records which cover such a broad scope of the activities 
of early Carolinians reveal much concerning their way of life, 
their thoughts, and their attitudes. Light is thrown upon the 
slavery system, public finances, home life, travel customs, 
and other phases of their lives. Although the Court's interest 
was confined largely to local matters, its actions sometimes 
interests the student of national history. Control of the Tories, 
for instance, rested largely with this Court. It should be borne 
in mind, however, that any abstract or edited compilation 
must reflect to some extent at least the interpretation of the 

A good index lends further aid to the student. 

John Mitchell Justice. 

Appalachian State Teachers College. 

Sir Walter, The Earl of Chatham, or Call Your Next Case. By 
H. F. (Chub) Seawell, Jr. (Charlotte: Heritage House. 1959. 
Pp. 218. $3.50.) 

The reader is here offered a brew concocted of facts, fun, 
and faith that is intended to cheer. It must be tasted and 

Book Reviews 99 

swallowed to be enjoyed and understood. Labelled a "semi- 
automatic biography" of Judge Walter D. Siler (1878-1951), 
it is also somewhat of an autobiography of author Seawell, 
who is something of a twentieth-century Boswell. The 
sketchy narrative, which at times strains unity with its chap- 
ter collections of amusing yarns grouped about a person, 
place, or topic, is held together by the genial spirit and in- 
tegrity of character of Walter Siler and by the penetrating, 
good-humored philosophy, and strong religious impulses of 
his disciple, Chub Seawell. Anyone expecting a full and formal 
biography will be disappointed. One content to be given re- 
vealing and mirthful glimpses of these two men and many of 
their associates in the legal family of the North Carolina 
bench and bar will be rewarded with present entertainment 
and future recollection. A few photographs and a number 
of drawings illustrate the book. 

Interspersed among the humorous anecdotes and tall tales 
are the basic facts of Judge Siler's birth, marriage, death, and 
his fully-lived years of "lawyering," traveling, and talking. 
Politician of the old-school Democracy, independent Metho- 
dist, lawyer, Superior Court judge, assistant Attorney General 
of North Carolina, philosopher, humorist, and one of nature's 
true noblemen, Sir Walter was a lover of his country, State, 
county, and fellow man. He was history-minded. He wrote a 
little history (some of which needs to be completed) and 
he helped to make more of the history of his time and State. 
Certainly he has become a part of Tar Heel folklore and is on 
the way to becoming a legendary figure like the one of whom 
he loved to tell— the John Henry or Paul Bunyan of Chatham 
County, Anderson Crutchfield. In time, Republican Chub 
Seawell of Moore may become a legend too, if he continues 
in the vein of Sir Walter. 

Lawrence F. Brewster. 

East Carolina College. 

100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Appalachian Frontier, America's First Surge Westward. 
By John Anthony Caruso. (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill 
Company, Inc. 1959. Pp. 408. With an Introduction by Robert 
L. Kincaid. Notes, bibliography, acknowledgments, index, and 
maps. $5.75.) 

One of the real pleasures of book reviewing is encountering 
that rare book that deserves wholeheated endorsement. Such 
a book is The Appalachian Frontier— far and away the best 
general account on the surge of exploration out of the Atlantic 
coastal States and across the Indian-held territory between 
the Appalachians and the Mississippi. 

This book will be of special interest to readers in the mother 
States of North Carolina and Virginia and in the offspring 
States of Tennessee and Kentucky, since Mr. Caruso devotes 
more attention to the frontier in this area than in the North. 
Beginning with the early explorations of such men as Abra- 
ham Wood, John Lederer, James Needham, and Gabriel 
Arthur, the author brings history down through the Watau- 
ga settlement, Richard Henderson's Transylvania purchase, 
the settlement of Kentucky, the epic journeys of James Rob- 
ertson and John Donelson to Middle Tennessee, and the years 
of struggle which elapsed between the time these settlements 
were founded and the admission of these new western areas 
as States of the young Republic. 

The Appalachian Frontier deserves to be read by every per- 
son who would better understand the early history of these 
States and of the American frontier, and it will almost cer- 
tainly be made required reading in courses on Tennessee and 
Kentucky history. It is beautifully written, based on consid- 
erable research, and treats a subject that is both important 
and in need of the treatment. It is, in short, a fine contribution 
to our historical literature. 

But the book is not without its faults. The complicated 
system of footnote references is an abomination; and there 
are the usual minor errors of fact (John Sevier's biographer 
was Carl S., not John Driver [p. 110] ; Attakullakulla was the 
envoy to King George III, not Oconostota [p. 57]; and At- 
takullakulla was not the only Cherokee who deplored the 
Fort Loudoun massacre [p. 61] ). The most serious criticism, 

Book Reviews 101 

however, is of the author's research. It is inconceivable to 
this reviewer that a study of the frontier in North Carolina, 
Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky should have been made 
without the author's using the excellent research libraries 
and manuscript collections in those States. It is also curious 
that not a single scholarly article published later than 1941, 
and very few books since that date, are cited in the Biblio- 

It should be emphasized, however, that these shortcomings 
in research do not seriously mar Mr. Caruso's book; the mar- 
vel is that the book is so good despite less than thorough re- 
search. The Appalachian Frontier is without question the best 
work on the subject. It deserves to be read, both as an excel- 
lent history and as a stirring tale of the adventurous pioneers 
who carved a civilization out of the wilderness. 

William T. Alderson. 

Tennessee Historical Commission. 

Madison College: The First Fifty Years, 1908-1958. By Ray- 
mond C. Dingledine, Jr. (Harrisonburg, Virginia: Madison 
College. 1959. Pp. viii, 315, Illustrations, notes, bibliography, 
and index. $3.50.) 

Raymond C. Dingledine's well-told, well-illustrated, and 
well-documented story of Madison College was published 
in March, 1959, as a part of the college's semicentennial cele- 
bration. In March, 1908, as a climax of the efforts of the 
civic and political leaders of Harrisonburg and Rockingham 
County, Virginia, to secure a teacher training institution, an 
Appropriation Act was passed by the Legislature which pro- 
vided for the establishment of the State Normal and Indus- 
trial School for Women at Harrisonburg. In September, 1958, 
Madison College, the name of the school since 1938, entered 
its fiftieth session. In the forty-nine previous sessions, it had 
graduated 9,493, eighty-five per cent of whom had completed 
the teaching training curriculum. 

The first of the school's three presidents, Julian A. Burruss, 
like the other two, was a planner and a builder; and by 1919, 

102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the year of his resignation to accept the presidency of Vir- 
ginia Polytechnic Institute, the school was, according to Pro- 
fessor Dingledine "one of the state's important educational 
institutions/' In 1919, Samuel P. Duke became the second 
president of Harrisonburg Normal, and progress and expan- 
sion were the shibboleths of the day during his administra- 
tion in enrollment (over 1,000 by the early 1940's) and in 
buildings. Because of poor health, President Duke had to 
give up the presidency after thirty years; and in 1949 G. Tyler 
Miller became Madison's third president. "In the space of 
four years," Dingledine reports, "the new president had near- 
ly quadrupled the size of the campus and given the College 
satisfactory laboratory and science facilities for the first time 
in its history." By 1958, the grounds and buildings were 
estimated to be worth $7,200,000. In less than fifty years, the 
school had gone from one offering principally high school and 
normal school work to one offering master's degrees with 
majors in seven subject matter areas. 

One who has not known the school through at least a part 
of its history cannot rightly evaluate a book such as Dingle- 
dine, himself long associated in one way or another with the 
school, has written. The hosts of people who move through 
the book, the well-told and sometimes humorous anecdotes 
which abound in the book, and the excellently conceived and 
executed plan of the book cannot be fully appreciated by a 
rank outsider. But this reviewer suspects that one who has 
known the school in any or several periods of its history can 
spend many a pleasant hour with this story and with the peo- 
ple who move through its pages. This book can proudly be 
placed alongside the other excellent college histories that 
have appeared in such abundance in recent years. 

Francis B. Dedmond. 

Gardner-Webb College. 

Book Reviews 103 

A Journey from South Carolina to Connecticut in the year 1809 : 
The Journal of William D. Martin. Prepared by Anna D. 
Elmore. (Charlotte: Heritage House. 1959. Pp. x, 53. $3.00.) 

Late in April of 1809, William D. Martin, a nineteen-year 
old South Carolinian, set out on a momentous journey to 
Litchfield, Connecticut, where he was to attend the famed 
Tapping Reeve law school. The trip— by sulky, mail stage, 
horse, and boat— took nearly a month. The mishaps and en- 
joyments of this adventure are left for us in a small journal, 
written for his betrothed and sent back to her. The writing 
is youthful and energetic, with occasional flights of literary 
fancy to please the teen-age fiancee at home. William Mar- 
tin's Journal is not of the top rank of diaries, yet its interest 
and coverage place it well above the lower levels too. Martin 
is at his best describing buildings and towns, such as the 
Moravian "Dutch town" of Salem, Richmond, Philadelphia, 
or Litchfield. As he travels and comes to know more people, 
be they Moravian, Virginian or Northern, it is evident that 
his localism is receding and his nationalism is increasing. 
Clearly to this young man travel is broadening, these strang- 
ers are neither so different, odd, or foreign. Such ideas are 
implicit in the diary rather than expressed; the development 
was an unconscious one. 

The roads were sometimes poor, still the trip was not ex- 
cessively hard, and by the standards of the early nineteenth 
century these roads were not unduly bad; other travelers 
commented that American roads were as good, or better, 
than those in Europe. The introduction and notes are useful, 
although most readers would like more of both. This slim 
volume is nicely printed and handsomely bound. It would be 
a welcome addition to a library of early Americana. 

Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 

Colorado State University. 

104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

South of Appomattox. By Nash K. Burger and John K. Betters- 
worth. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1959. Pp. 
vii, 376. $5.75.) 

It was a clever idea of authors Burger and Bettersworth to 
relate the story of Reconstruction by describing the postwar 
careers of representative Confederate leaders. Ten men were 
selected, after much searching and debate one suspects, to 
sit for individual portraits that collectively would depict the 
beleagured South. The anointed ten are Robert E. Lee, Mat- 
thew F. Maury, John C. Breckinridge, Nathan Bedford For- 
rest, Alexander H. Stephens, L. Q. C. Lamar, Joseph E. 
Johnston, Wade Hampton, James Longstreet, and Jefferson 
Davis. Each one is supposed to epitomize some facet or 
characteristic of the Southern reaction to Reconstruction. 
Thus Maury is the Southerner who sought escape in exile, 
Lamar is the one who sought reconciliation while upholding 
the South's rights, Hampton is the one who redeemed Dixie 
from Republican rule, and Longstreet is the one who ac- 
cepted the rule of the victors. 

The technique of describing a great social movement 
through the medium of individuals has both merits and dis- 
advantages. On the credit side, it makes for a dramatic pre- 
sentation, because the reactions of individual men are more 
interesting than those of men in the mass. Moreover, a study 
of how specific people acted in a particular situation may be 
more revealing as to what happened than one pitched on a 
broader or more impersonal level. Certainly the reader of 
this book will come away with the knowledge that people 
as well as forces were involved in Reconstruction. And even 
the specialist will pick up some new and useful information 
about the period. On the debit side, the full picture of an era 
cannot be painted through any group of men, no matter how 
representative. The portrait technique also makes for a degree 
of repetitiousness, which is partially avoided in this book by 
the high literary skill of the authors. They write in a sparkling 
style. They write, too, with substantial accuracy as to fact, 
although errors are present. It is loose writing, to say the 
least, to claim that the Fourteenth Amendment "undertook to 

Book Reviews 105 

guarantee Negro suffrage. " S. B. Packard, the Republican 
gubernatorial candidate in Louisiana in 1876, was not a 
Negro. Jefferson Davis was not placed in irons because of any 
brutality in his captors but because of a mistaken notion that 
he might commit suicide. 

But charm of style and fidelity to fact cannot overcome 
what is a basic defect in this book. Reconstruction was, as 
recent research has demonstrated, an incredibly complex 
business. Here, it is presented in the simple form so popular 
at the turn of the century— literally the good guys against the 
bad guys, and with a big dose of sentimentality about the 
poor South. It is disappointing, after so much good work has 
been done, to see the old and inadequate analysis thus per- 

T. Harry Williams. 

Louisiana State University. 

The Journal of William Stephens, 1743-1745. Edited by E. 
Merton Coulter. (Athens: University of Georgia Press. 
[Wormsloe Foundation Publications, Number Three]. 1959. 
Pp. xv, 288. $5.00.) 

This is the second half of the newly discovered portion of 
the journal kept by William Stephens, capable Secretary of 
the Province of Georgia. It includes entries for every day of 
the period from August, 1743, through December, 1745, ex- 
cept for unexplained gaps during May 1-June 23 and Septem- 
ber 1-October 17, 1745. Like the section published in 1958, 
this journal describes in fascinating detail the life in and 
around Savannah and the many problems faced by the 
colony's administrators. 

Perhaps the matters of greatest emphasis concern the ex- 
treme difficulty of communicating with the Trust in England 
and the somewhat related failure to receive supplies of "Sola 
Bills" with which to defray current expenses. There were 
long intervals of silence, occasioned at times by the loss of 
packets of papers through capture of ships serving as couri- 
ers; and though the boxes of papers were weighted for sink- 

106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing in such circumstances, their destruction necessitated 
recopying a vast accumulation of records, with no surety that 
they in turn would not be lost in similar fashion. As for the 
money problem, when the accounts did reach London, ac- 
countants there failed to reckon sums spent since the report 
was rendered ( six or seven months earlier ) and persisted in 
thinking the colony had on hand sufficient funds. 

Threats from the Spanish to the South and from "French 
Indians" to the West were a continual worry, particularly 
when it became evident that merchants in South Carolina 
were clandestinely supplying St. Augustine with badly need- 
ed goods. Military drills were held at intervals, though Mora- 
vian settlers refused on grounds of conscience to perform 
guard duty. On the whole, however, "Dutch" (i.e German) 
and Swiss colonists "distinguished themselves by their in- 
dustry." Possibly borrowed from these people was Stephens' 
use of the word "patroon" to describe the captains of small 
coastal trading vessels. 

This segment of the journal deals at length with the pro- 
gress of silk culture in Georgia and the efforts to raise mul- 
berry leaves, though it is apparent by the end of 1745 that 
failure was just around the corner. There is also extensive 
discussion of religious practice, including the construction of 
an edifice modeled after Covent Garden Church, and the 
holding of Anglican services by the dissenter Whitefield in 
full surplice. Odd items of considerable interest are: the fact 
that only two deaths occurred in the nine months before 
June, 1745; arrival of a shipment of shoes desirable for all 
ranks, whereas previous lots were "fit only for labouring 
classes"; the playing of cricket and quoits on holidays; the 
strange behavior of particular individuals, including one 
Joseph Watson, who rambled in the woods wearing a sort of 
gown or cassock of coarse black cloth gathered at the wrists. 

This volume has an Appendix which identifies important 
persons and places mentioned in the journal. 

William D. Hoyt, Jr. 

Rockport, Massachusetts. 

Book Reviews 107 

Stonewall's Man: Sandie Pendleton. By W. G. Bean. (Chapel 
Hill : The University of North Carolina Press. 1959. 252 Pp. 

Late in 1861, General Thomas J. Jackson wrote the Con- 
federate War Department: "I cannot do without Sandie 
Pendleton." Some months later, when asked about the capa- 
bility of a certain officer of his command, Jackson said: "Ask 
Sandie Pendleton. If he does not know, no one does." 

Sandie Pendleton, son of General W. N. Pendleton and a 
graduate of Washington College, was appointed to Jackson's 
staff in June, 1861, as a lieutenant and brigade ordnance 
officer. He later became Jackson's assistant adjutant general 
and as his commander attained higher position, Sandie's rank 
increased correspondingly until he became lieutenant colonel 
and chief of staff of the Second Corps. 

The relationship between the gay young officer and his 
solemn chief became very close. Henry Kyd Douglas, another 
member of Jackson's staff, declared Sandie was Stonewall's 
favorite, that he "loved him as a son" and that Pendleton was 
the only one of Jackson's official family whom the general 
addressed by his first name. The affection was reciprocated. 
On the day after Jackson's death Sandie told the sorrowing 
widow: "God knows I would have died for him." He un- 
doubtedly meant what he said. 

After Jackson's death, Sandie continued as chief of staff, 
Second Corps, under Ewell and Early. He served these gen- 
erals faithfully and well but he never esteemed them as he 
did Jackson. Until a Federal bullet shot him down at Fisher's 
Hill, September 22, 1864, six days before his twenty-fourth 
birthday, he was "Stonewall's Man." Professor Bean has ap- 
propriately included this designation in the title of the bio- 

In presenting this full-length portrait of young Pendleton, 
Professor Bean has filled a gap mentioned by Douglas S. 
Freeman in Lees Lieutenant. He has also followed Freeman's 
warning not to distort "historical perspective." His treatment, 
while chronicling the high points of his subject's gallant and 
distinguished military career, is primarily concerned with 

108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pendleton as a person. Drawing heavily on family letters and 
other personal documents, the author gives a detailed account 
of Sandie's childhood and education, his relations with his 
parents, his life in camp, his courtship and marriage of Kate 
Corbin, and his final suffering and death. His account, always 
interesting and sometimes moving, is highly favorable to 
Pendleton, not because of any apparent tendency to be un- 
critical, but because this admirable young Virginian was so 
remarkably free of blemish. 

Bell I. Wiley. 
Emory University. 

William Buckland, 1734-1774 : Architect of Virginia and Mary- 
land. By Rosamond Randall Beirne and John Henry Scarff. 
(Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society. 1958. Pp. xvi, 
175. $7.50.) 

Gunston Hall in Virginia, home of George Mason who 
fathered the Bill of Rights, and the Hammond-Harwood 
House in Annapolis have long been well known as illustrat- 
ing some of the best pre-Revolutionary architecture in 
America. But since heretofore next to nothing was known of 
their builder, they also illustrated our sad ignorance about 
the craftsmen who produced our eighteenth-century flower- 
ing of Georgian architecture. 

Publication of this biography of William Buckland helps 
to change all that. Buckland was responsible for the design 
or finish of at least twenty-two important buildings in Vir- 
ginia and Maryland, of which seventeen, including the two 
mentioned above, are still standing. This unusual quantity of 
surviving examples makes his biography doubly important in 
filling out the poorly developed history of early American 

Buckland was an Englishman who learned his trade in the 
booming Georgian expansion and redevelopment of London 
during the first half of the eighteenth century. The Virginia 
planters wanted such a person over here to build their houses, 
their churches, and their public buildings. George Mason 

Book Reviews 109 

brought Buckland over to build his mansion, Gunston Hall. 
Once here, Buckland successfully made his own way. By 
dint of his art and his colorfully enterprising vitality he de- 
veloped the patronage of Mason's friends and their friends. 
From Virginia it was an easy step to Maryland and its capital 
town, Annapolis, where his last and most impressive work is 
concentrated. Born an Englishman, Buckland died an Ameri- 

The biography becomes really a study of Buckland's archi- 
tectural work and the strictly biographical facts become 
secondary. One by one his houses are presented and describ- 
ed sufficiently to express each its identity. These houses be- 
come the man's true monument, a rather awesome monu- 
ment, too, for a man who otherwise was quite human in 

In a work of this sort illustration is indispensable and in this 
case it is more than adequate. In the Appendices are several 
indentures pertaining to Buckland's career as a builder and 
an inventory of his estate, 1774. 

W. S. Tarlton. 

State Department of Archives and History, 


A Portion of My Life. Being a Short and Imperfect History 
Written While a Prisoner of War on Johnson's Island, 1864. 
By William M. Norman. (Winston-Salem: John F. Blair. 
1959. Pp. x, 242. Illustrations. $4.00.) 

William M. Norman was born on a farm in Surry County, 
North Carolina, in 1833. In the years before the outbreak of 
the Civil War he managed to attend boarding school for one 
year, try his hand at teaching, seek a fortune in the Nebraska 
territory, get married, and study law. When North Carolina 
seceded from the Union in May, 1861, Norman gave up his 
legal career, begun only a few months previous, and enlisted 
as a private in the Confederate Army. By the fall of 1862 he 
had risen to the rank of Captain and was on duty with the 
Army of Northern Virginia. Norman survived the bloody 
battles of Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and Gettysburg 

110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

only to be captured on November 7, 1863, near Kellysford, 
Virginia. He was afterwards imprisoned on Johnson's Island 
in Lake Erie. Here Captain Norman wrote what he called a 
"short diary or sketch" of his experiences, now published for 
the first time under the title A Portion of My Life. 

The first half of this volume, pertaining to Norman's pre- 
war years, will be of little interest to most readers, excepting, 
perhaps, the lineal descendants of the author. The best part 
of the reminiscence, the last half, has to do with the war 

In discussing the care of the wounded at Fredericksburg 
Captain Norman wrote: "This is one of the bloodiest sights 
that a man ever looked at. . . . Heaps of amputated limbs, 
bloody clothing, etc., are visible in many places/' 

At Chancellorsville Norman served under the North Caro- 
linian, S. D. Ramseur. He thought his fellow Carolinian one 
of the Army's best commanders: "No braver or better man 
lives than he is. He takes good care of his soldiers. ... He 
fights hard and is very successful." 

The author, surprisingly, has little to say about the hard- 
ships of prison life. It is probable, however, that he minimized 
his experiences in order to prevent his manuscript from being 
confiscated by Federal authorities. 

The value of Captain Norman's "sketch" would be en- 
hanced tremendously by a proper job of editing. An introduc- 
tion is badly needed, as are explanatory notes and an index. 

John G. Barrett. 

Virginia Military Institute. 

The Constitutions of Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis. By- 
Russell Hoover Quynn. (New York: Exposition Press. 1959. 
Pp. 304. $3.25.) 

This book is a diatribe against school integration, Abraham 
Lincoln, and judicial review of laws and practices involving 
the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. The 
author is a retired Captain of the United States Army and a 
veteran of World Wars I and II. In 1941 he was admitted to 

Book Reviews 111 

the Virginia bar, which accounts for his intense interest in 
the United States Supreme Court and its decisions. He is a 
descendant of seventeenth-century settlers of Maryland, 
South Carolina, and Virginia, which may account for his lack 
of objectivity in dealing with a controversial subject in a way 
that he claims is the result of "long research and personal 

There are three divisions in the book. Part One is "The 
Republican Attack Against Constitutional Government," in 
which the thesis is that the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and 
Fifteenth Amendments "were and are still unconstitutional 
because they unlawfully altered the form of American gov- 
ernment, forced the States, and were— none of them—proper- 
ly and constitutionally ratified by three-fourths of the states, 
as the Constitution requires." Chapter One implies that Lin- 
coln was responsible for all three amendments. Lincoln's 
proclamation of December 8, 1863, and subsequent state- 
ments of his concerning his plan of reconstruction are ig- 
nored. Derogatory statements about Lincoln are thrown in 
at random. 

Quynn says that the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified 
on December 18, 1865, in the 38th Congress. A student of 
the Constitution should know that Congress proposes 
amendments, the States ratify them. Later Quynn states that 
when this amendment was ratified the electorates of the 
South were disfranchised, kept from the polls by federal 
troops, while voting in their places were Negroes. Actually 
Johnson had made wholesale pardons to former Confed- 
erates, and large-scale registrations of Negroes did not take 
place until 1867. In 1865 the "Black Codes" were in effect. 

Part II is entitled "The Civil War and Reconstruction." 
Here Jefferson Davis is contrasted with Abraham Lincoln. 
Certain selected campaigns and phases of the War are re- 
viewed, but the real emphasis is on Lincoln. A typical gen- 
eralization is: "Perhaps it is time we try to be done with some 
of the Honest Abe fairy tales of the weeping poets and sob 
sisters, all those who would make silk purses out of sows' 

112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Part III, "The Two American Constitutions," includes the 
texts of the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Con- 
federation, the United States Constitution, and the Constitu- 
tion of the Confederate States of America. The latter two are 
arranged in parallel columns to enable comparison. This part 
seems to this reviewer to be the most valuable portion of the 
book, and should be of interest to students of American gov- 
ernment and of the Civil War. In conclusion Quynn com- 
pares the two constitutions. 

The volume abounds with quotations, but no footnotes 
are given, so the reader is not able to read the quoted por- 
tions in their original context. The Bibliography is made up 
principally of secondary sources, although a general refer- 
ence is made to manuscript and rare book sections of several 

Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen. 

Appalachian State Teachers College. 

Ballads and Stories in Verse, Pp. 42 ; The Quest for Happiness, 
A Play, Pp. 60; Essays and Addresses, Pp. 52; Jews in Amer- 
ica after the Revolution, Pp. 88; and Jews in Colonial and 
Revolutionary Times, Pp. 242. By Leon Huhner. (New York: 
Gertz Brothers. 1959.) 

Lawyer, historian, and poet, Leon Huhner practiced Sur- 
rogate law in New York City for over fifty years. He was born 
in Berlin, and came to America at the age of four. For many 
years he was the Curator of the American Jewish Historical 
Society. He had an abiding interest in American Revolution- 
ary history, particularly as it affected Jews in the colonial 
states. As a poet, he was honored with the request to write 
the eulogy when Twain's bust was installed in New York 
University's Hall of Fame. It is not rude, however, to say 
that his poetry does not concern us now. 

But his histories do, especially Jews in America after the 
Revolution and Jews in Colonial and Revolutionary Times. 

In the second of these two books Huhner has described 
with fine detail and much economy the struggle in North 

Book Reviews 113 

Carolina to abolish the religious test for office which occupied 
the liberals of their state from 1776 to 1868. 

Originally, political equality was adopted in all but two 
of the 13 colonies. The two holdouts were North Carolina 
and New Hampshire (in 1876 New Hampshire was the last 
to abolish this relic of bigotry). The surprise that Huhner 
holds for us is that this insistence on inequality among the 
citizenry of North Carolina was directed against Catholics. 
Political inequality for Jews was only a by-product. 

Huhner's prose is clear, his style polished, and no com- 
plaint edges into his work. It is history at its best for Huhner 
also describes how this prohibition was circumvented over 
the course of 100 years. 

Jews in American History is a collection of short biogra- 
phies. The research Huhner put into writing the biography of 
David Emmanuel, the first Jew in America to hold the office 
of Governor— in Georgia, no less, elected in 1801— makes it a 
minor biographical masterpiece. 

Huhner appreciated America and I think this is the salient 
quality his books reflect. But he was fortunately possessed 
with the historical instinct for clear, well-researched objec- 
tivity. The reservation I have about these two volumes is 
that they are not indexed. 

Harry Golden. 


Religion and American Democracy. By Roy Nichols. (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1959. Pp. vii, 108. 

Professor Nichols of the University of Pennsylvania has, 
in these Rockwell Lectures at Rice Institute, attempted to 
analyze the complex relations between religion and demo- 
cracy under two principal headings: The Democracy of 
American Religion and The Religion of American Demo- 
cracy. This he has done on the unexceptionable premise that 
the impact upon the colonizing sectaries of a new continent 
and of contingent practical economic and civic adjustments 

114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not easily assimilable to a theology of a New Israel, thought- 
out in the old world, was both unexpected and productive of 
an unprecedented relationship between a society and its reli- 
gious institutions; and that what he calls the Arminian Revo- 
lution (the revolution, namely, to overthrow the double- 
predestinationism of Calvinism in favor of the view that man, 
by responsible action, can decisively opt for the benefits of 
God's grace) profoundly informs the peculiar optimism and 
moralism of American "theology" and gives to democracy its 
moral strenuousness ( perhaps its self -righteousness ) and the 
sense that matters of more than merely pragmatic importance 
are at issue in every political contest (e. g., pre-eminently 
the Civil War). 

The argument does suggest why it is that the American 
experiment has always been viewed by its interpreters— from 
John Robinson of Leyden to Dwight Eisenhower with Jef- 
ferson Davis and Abraham Lincoln in between— as taking 
place with the special sanction and the kindly support of God. 
It also hints at why it is that sin, which had been understood, 
before Calvinism started stiffening at the joints, as a deep 
inward disrelation with God, from whom, alone (not ex- 
cluding oneself), no secret is hid, becomes "sins"— which 
because we can will to know what they are, we can will to 
eliminate by strenuous moral effort. 

But valuable though this is, the essay finally simply under- 
lines all the familiar cliches for lack of an adequate apprecia- 
tion of the difference between the problem of the relation 
of religion and society when this relation is seen from an ex- 
plicitly Biblical standpoint and when it is not. Seeing the way 
in which Israel viewed her own election in contrast with that 
in which America has always viewed hers would have thrown 
all of this into a new perspective. 

William H. Poteat. 

Episcopal Theological Seminary of the Southwest. 

Book Reviews 115 

Pelts and Palisades : The Story of Fur and the Rivalry for Pelts 
in Early America. By Nathaniel C. Hale. (Richmond, Vir- 
ginia: The Dietz Press. 1959. Pp xi, 219. $4.75.) 

This volume by Nathaniel C. Hale, a West Point graduate 
and the author of a biography of Wiliam Claiborne, analyzes 
the fur trader's role in the development of the colonial fron- 
tier. It is a curiously disproportionate book. The first quarter 
of it is largely devoted to the background of the story, be- 
ginning with "man's first true possession . . . the fur skin of 
an animal" (p. 1). Considerable space is devoted to the pur- 
suit of fur in the Medieval Period, which Colonel Hale per- 
sists, in outmoded fashion, in calling the "Dark Ages." In 
discussing the Spanish settlements there is apparently a 
whole-hearted acceptance of the "black legend" of Spanish 
depredations in the New World. Once in seventeenth-century 
North America, the author is on firmer ground as he details 
the activities of the English, French, and Dutch. The con- 
tribution of this work is in these ten chapters which form the 
heart of the book. A final chapter, "Westward the Fur Fron- 
tier of America," concludes the narrative with a broad survey 
of the events from 1663 to 1763. 

The author's organization alone would raise questions in 
the mind of the reader. Individual statements are made which 
one would like to check, but there are no footnotes. The Bib- 
liography is no more than a simple list, and one with sur- 
prising omissions. One would certainly expect to find Verner 
Crane's The Southern Frontier, and many other titles could 
be added. Certainly this is not a book without faults, and a 
definitive history of the colonial fur trade remains to be writ- 
ten. One might note that with the exception of the chapters 
on Virginia, the coverage of the Southern fur frontier is 
largely neglected. This reviewer is not prepared to accept the 
statement— the last in the book— that 1763 is the watershed 
between the era of the fur trader and that of the fur trapper. 
Nevertheless, this book does have a contribution to make to 
the literature of Colonial America. It points up, successfully, 
the vital role of the fur trader in the exploration, settlement, 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

and development of Colonial America, and that in itself is 
no minor feat. 

Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 
Colorado State University. 

Department of Archives and History 


The Executive Board of the State Department of Archives 
and History met in Raleigh on September 30 with Mr. Mc- 
Daniel Lewis, Chairman, presiding. The entire membership 
of the Board was present: Mr. Lewis, Mr. James W. Atkins of 
Gastonia, Miss Gertrude S. Carraway of New Bern, Dr. Flet- 
cher M. Green of Chapel Hill, Mr. Ralph Philip Hanes of 
Winston-Salem, Mr. Josh L. Home of Rocky Mount, and Dr. 
Daniel J. Whitener of Boone, together with Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, the Director. All the Division heads were pre- 
sent except Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator, 
who was represented by Mr. Norman C. Larson, Education 
Curator. Others attending were Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of 
Publications; Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, Mrs. Memory 
F. Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor, and Admiral Alex 
M. Patterson, Public Records Examiner, all of the Division 
of Archives and Manuscripts; and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic 
Sites Superintendent. New members Hanes and Whitener 
were welcomed to the Board and following a discussion of 
the need for a new building for the Department, the group 
adjourned to the State Capitol where Mr. Hanes was sworn 
in by Judge R. Hunt Parker. On November 1 the Executive 
Board met at the high school in Fremont with the following 
members present: Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman, Miss Ger- 
trude S. Carraway, Dr. Fletcher M. Green, and Dr. D. J. 
Whitener. Others present were Dr. Crittenden and the heads 
of the various divisions of the Department: Mr. D. L. Corbitt, 
Mr. Jones, Adm. Patterson, Mrs. Blackwelder, Mrs. Jordan, 
and Mr. Tarlton. After the meeting those present attended 
the dedication and opening of the Charles B. Ay cock Birth- 
place State Historic Site. 

The first meeting of the North Carolina Confederate Cen- 
tennial Commission was held in Raleigh on October 28. 


118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Present as guests of the Commission were Mr. Edmund Gass, 
representing the Civil War Centennial Commission, from 
Washington, D. C, and Mr. James Geary, representing the 
Virginia Civil War Centennial Commission, from Richmond, 
Virginia. Ex officio members present were Dr. Charles F. 
Carroll, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Director of the Department of Archives and His- 
tory; and Mr. Charles J. Parker of the State Advertising Divis- 
ion, representing Mr. William P. Saunders, Director of the 
Department of Conservation and Development. Members of 
the Commission present were Col. Hugh Dortch, Chairman, 
of Goldsboro, Mrs. E. A. Anderson of Charlotte, Mrs. D. S. 
Coltrane of Raleigh, Mrs. G. W. Cover of Andrews, Mrs. 
Bettie Sue Gardner of Reidsville, Mr. Robert Garvey of 
Winston-Salem, Dr. W. S. Jenkins of Chapel Hill, Dr. Frontis 
W. Johnston of Davidson, Mr. Fitzhugh H. Lee of Goldsboro, 
Mrs. Mary Jane McCrary of Brevard, Judge R. Hunt Parker 
of Raleigh, Mr. John R. Peacock of High Point, Mr. R. F. 
Hoke Pollock of Southern Pines, Judge William B. Rodman 
of Raleigh, Mr. Reid Sarratt of Winston-Salem, Senator 
James G. Stikeleather of Asheville, Dr. Henry S. Stroupe of 
Winston-Salem, and Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock. Other 
persons present were Mr. David Cooper of The News and 
Observer staff and the following members of the staff of the 
Department of Archives and History: Mrs. Memory F. Black- 
welder, Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Mr. H. G. Jones, Mr. Norman C. 
Larson, Adm. Alex M. Patterson, and Mr. W. S. Tarlton; and 
Mrs. William A. Mahler of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association. Dr. Crittenden spoke briefly on how 
the Commission was established. Mr. Gass brought greetings 
from the United States Commission, stated that the North 
Carolina group was one of 37 State commissions preparing 
for the centennial, and showed a movie which depicts plans 
already in preparation by the national group and the Na- 
tional Park Service. Some of the projects are mobile museums, 
new issues of stamps, publications, bills to go to Congress 
for microfilming projects, movies, and television programs. 
Mr. Geary brought greetings from the Virginia Centennial 
Commission and offered co-operation from that body. He dis- 

Historical News 119 

cussed specific projects and plans already being enacted. 
Other persons present gave their suggestions and full sup- 
port was pledged by those attending for the organizations 
and departments which they represented. Col. Dortch named 
the following to the Executive Committee, of which he will 
serve as chairman: Dr. Crittenden, Mrs. Anderson, Mrs. Col- 
trane, Mr. Stikeleather, Dr. Stroupe, Mr. Wright, and Mr. 
Hector MacLean, Lumberton. 

The Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission held its 
first meeting, October 15, in Raleigh. Among those present 
were Mr. Francis E. Winslow, Chairman, Mr. and Mrs. Henry 
Belk, Mr. Winston Broadfoot, Dr. H. H. Cunningham, Mr. 
Lambert Davis, Mrs. Inglis Fletcher, Mr. Paul Green, Mr. 
Grayson Harding, Mrs. Robert Grady Johnson, Mr. James G. 
W. MacClamroch, Mr. Ben Dixon MacNeill, Mrs. Harry Mc- 
Mullan, Dr. Paul Murray, Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson, and 
Mrs. J. O. Tally, Jr. Ex officio members present were Dr. 
Charles F. Carroll, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department of Arch- 
ives and History; and Mr. William P. Saunders, Director of 
the Department of Conservation and Development. Staff 
members from the Department of Archives and History 
present were Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Admiral Alex M. Patterson, 
and Mr. W. S. Tarlton. Invited guests were Mr. Alonzo T. 
Dill of West Point, Virginia; Dr. W. Edwin Hemphill of 
Columbia, South Carolina; Col. Hugh Dortch of Goldsboro; 
and Miss Jane Hall of Raleigh. The legislative act authorizing 
the establishment of the Commission was read by Mr. Tarl- 
ton. Dr. Crittenden spoke briefly on the plans and decisions 
which confront the group and suggested that the meeting 
be an "idea session" with more definite plans to be announced 
later. Mr. Dill talked on the 1957 series of celebrations held 
during the 350th anniversary of the settlement at Jamestown, 
Virginia, presenting outstanding features of the year-long 
program which united a large number of State, federal, and 
local organizations into co-operative sponsorship. He men- 
tioned ideas and plans that were proven impracticable as 
well as those which were successful. Suggestions were made 
by members of the Commission as well as guests, and Dr. 

120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Crittenden stated that many national historical and allied 
organizations were being invited to meet in North Carolina 
in 1963, such as the American Association for State and 
Local History, the Society of American Archivists, and the 
National Trust for Historic Preservation. 

The Executive Committee of the Carolina Charter Ter- 
centenary Commission met in the Assembly Room of the De- 
partment of Archives and History in Raleigh on December 11. 
Present were Chairman Francis E. Winslow of Rocky Mount, 
Mrs. Robert Grady Johnson of Burgaw, Dr. H. H. Cunning- 
ham of Elon College, Mr. David Stick of Kill Devil Hills, and 
Dr. Christopher Crittenden. Members not present were Mr. 
Lambert Davis of Chapel Hill and Mr. Henry Belk of Golds- 
boro. Also attending the meeting were the Division heads 
of the Department of Archives and History: Mr. D. L. Cor- 
bitt, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Mr. H. G. Jones, Mr. W. S. Tarl- 
ton; and Mrs. William A. Mahler, Administrative Assistant of 
the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association. The 
Committee discussed the need for a new building to house 
the Carolina Charter and the millions of other documents 
which, together with other collections, are in the custody of 
the Department. Other phases of the program to be conducted 
by the Commission were discussed including the employment 
of an Executive Director. A request for an appropriation 
from the Contingency and Emergency Fund was approved. 

Directors Office 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department 
of Archives and History, attended a meeting of the Board 
of Trustees of the National Trust for Historic Preservation in 
Washington, D. C, on September 21. On September 23 he 
met in Wake Forest with the Calvin Jones Memorial Society 
which voted to change the name of the group to the Wake 
Forest College Birthplace Society, Inc. The group also elect- 
ed a board of trustees and officers. On October 4-5 Dr. Crit- 
tenden attended a meeting of the Tryon Palace Commission 
in New Bern. Plans to continue work on the landscaping of 
the property were discussed by the group. On October 7-9 
Dr. Crittenden attended the joint meeting of the American 

Historical News 121 

Association for State and Local History and the Society of 
American Archivists in Philadelphia. He participated in a 
panel discussion on the "Conflict of Jurisdiction over Records 
and Manuscripts." On October 24 Dr. Crittenden spoke at 
the unveiling of a marker at Woodfields Inn, Flat Rock, com- 
memorating the defense of the Flat Rock community by 
troops of Company E, Sixty-fourth Regiment, Confederate 
States of America. He met in New Bern on November 6 with 
the Commission authorized by the 1959 General Assembly to 
make plans for the 1960 celebration of the 250th anniversary 
of the founding of New Bern. He attended the thirty-fifth 
anniversary celebration of the Greensboro Historical Museum 
on November 10 and on November 18 spoke to the Durham- 
Orange Chapter of the Colonial Dames on "Historic Sites in 
North Carolina." On December 2 Dr. Crittenden appeared 
before the Commission on the Reorganization of State Gov- 
ernment in Raleigh to state the need of the Department of 
Archives and History for a new building. Also appearing were 
Mrs. Elizabeth House Hughey, State Librarian, and Mr. 
Harry T. Davis, Head of the Museum of Natural History. 
On December 11 Dr. Crittenden attended the unveiling of 
a portrait of the late Governor R. Gregg Cherry in the cham- 
ber of the House of Representatives in the State Capitol. Mr. 
John Harden of Greensboro made the address and Governor 
Luther H. Hodges accepted the portrait for the State. Others 
appearing on the program were Associate Justice Emery B. 
Denny, Dr. Howard P. Powell, and the children of Dr. and 
Mrs. Henry O. Lineberger Jr., who unveiled the portrait. 
Also present for the ceremony was Mrs. Cherry. On Decem- 
ber 14 Dr. Crittenden attended in Wake Forest a joint meet- 
ing, which was open to the public, of the Wake Forest College 
Birthplace Society, Inc., and the Historical Commission of 
the Baptist State Convention. Mrs. Ernest L. Ives of Southern 
Pines spoke on "The Importance of Preserving Our Historic 
Sites." After the program the Historical Commission voted 
to request the General Board of the Baptist State Convention 
to match, dollar for dollar, contributions of money, materials, 
and pledges up to $10,000. These funds will be used for the 
restoration of the birthplace of Wake Forest College. 

122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, appeared twice on the 
program at the annual meeting of the Society of American 
Archivists in Philadelphia, October 6-10. At a session spon- 
sored by the State Records Committee of the society on 
October 6, he gave a report on comparative programs and 
changes in legislation among the various State archival agen- 
cies. The material used will be incorporated in the Directory 
of Archival Agencies which he is editing and will publish for 
the society. His report revealed that the Division of Archives 
and Manuscripts of the North Carolina Department of Arch- 
ives and History now ranks first in the United States in total 
budget ($217,000), size of staff (35), and comprehensiveness 
of program. Other States, in order of their rank in these three 
categories, are Illinois, Virginia, Georgia, and Maryland. 

On October 9 Mr. Jones served on a panel discussion of 
municipal archives and records centers. Following the Phil- 
adelphia meetings, Mr. Jones visited the following institu- 
tions in connection with the Department's newspaper micro- 
filming program: the American Antiquarian Society, Wor- 
cester, Mass.; the Massachusetts Historical Society and Bos- 
ton Athenaeum, Boston; and the Harvard University Library, 
Cambridge, Mass. All four institutions pledged their co-op- 
eration in the Department's program. 

Mrs. Mary G. Bryan, President of the Society of American 
Archivists, has appointed Mr. Jones chairman of the Civil 
War Centennial Committee, a joint committee comprising 
members of the Society and of the United States Civil War 
Centennial Commission. The committee will serve as a liason 
committee between the two organizations in matters relating 
to the preservation of historical manuscripts. He was reap- 
pointed to the State Records Committee of the Society. On 
November 13 Mr. Jones met in Atlanta, Georgia, with Mrs. 
Bryan and Dr. Clement M. Silvestro, Director of the American 
Association for State and Local History, in connection with 
the work of the Civil War Committee. He also attended the 
annual meeting of the Southern Historical Association, No- 
vember 12-14. 

Historical News 123 

Mr. Jones addressed a meeting of the Lower Cape Fear 
Historical Society in Wilmington on November 4 on the sub- 
ject, "What North Carolina is Doing to Preserve Her His- 
torical Records." 

Mrs. Julia C. Meconnahey, Archivist II, retired on Septem- 
ber 30 after more than thirty-four years of service in the 
Department. An informal tea was given by the staff in her 
honor and they presented her a gift. She resides in Cary. 

Miss Frances Marian Saunders, Archivist I, joined the 
Archives Administration Section staff in September as a 
Search Room attendant. For the first time the Division now 
has on duty two attendants for public assistance. Mr. Robert 
N. Doster served as a temporary Clerk II in the newspaper 
microfilming program during October and November, and 
Mr. Cecil I. Miller assumed a similar position on December 
1. Mrs. Elizabeth C. Moss has been promoted from Archivist 
I to Archivist II in the State Records Section. Mr. Richard 
O. Stone joined the County Records staff on October 12 as 
Archivist I. 

The following are reported from the Search Room for 
the quarters ending June 30 and September 30, respectively: 
persons registering for research, 810 and 783; persons served 
by mail, 753 and 620; photostatic copies, 785 and 704; micro- 
film projection prints, 100 and 60; typed certified copies, 70 
and 57; microfilm for public orders (in feet), 45 and 599. 
During a six-month period ending September 30, a total of 
13,107 pages of historical records and manuscripts was lam- 
inated. Most of these materials consisted of county records 
from the Archives. In addition, a staff member laminated out- 
side of office hours several thousand pages of materials for 
other institutions and individuals. Among the recent signi- 
ficant accessions in the Archives is the J. C. B. Ehringhaus 
Collection, two file drawers of the personal correspondence of 
the late governor, given by his son, J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Jr. 

The Division's newspaper microfilming program is pro- 
ceeding with the following priorities given for filming: The 

124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Raleigh Register, The North Carolina Standard, The Raleigh 
Sentinel, The Star (Raleigh), and The Hillsborough Record- 
er (later Durham), to 1870. The filming of the first two 
titles has been completed except for obtaining and splicing 
into the master negative unique copies from certain out-of- 
State institutions. When the master negative for each title is 
complete announcement will be made through The North 
Carolina Historical Review and other appropriate publica- 
tions of the availability of positive film copies through the 
Department. Interested institutions and individuals are re- 
quested not to place orders prior to such announcement. 

In connection with the microfilming program, the Divis- 
ion is undertaking an inventory of North Carolina newspapers 
published prior to 1870, and each library in the State has 
been sent a checklist for its convenience in reporting holdings. 
It is believed that some of these early papers may be in 
private hands, and in that event persons possessing such 
papers can do a service to scholarship by reporting their hold- 
ings to the State Archivist. 

The County Records Section has completed the micro- 
filming of the Wake County records of permanent value. 
Microfilm copies of such records will be preserved for secur- 
ity purposes in the Archives and include such records as 
deed books, will books, marriage records, court minutes, and 
estate records. Records in need of repair have been laminated, 
rebound and returned to the county. The records of Chatham 
County are now being microfilmed. After completion of the 
Chatham records, counties will be assigned priority according 
to age. 

In addition to the microfilming phase of the county records 
program, quantities of records transferred by various coun- 
ties to the Archives have been properly arranged and pre- 
pared for reference use. These include records from Burke, 
Hertford, and Rowan counties. Currently, records from Guil- 
ford and Person counties are being worked. A large number 
of the records received from the counties has also been 
laminated and rebound. 

Historical News 125 

The County Records Manual, which will contain suggested 
schedules for the retention and disposal of county records, 
is at the printer's and is expected to be published within two 
months. Copies will be furnished free to appropriate county 
officials. Because of its limited application, copies will not 
be available for general distribution. 

Rear Admiral Alex M. Patterson, Public Records Examiner, 
has recently assisted Guilford County and the cities of Ra- 
leigh and Henderson in the preparation of schedules for 
the retention and disposal of their records. Admiral Patterson 
addressed the Fayetteville Rotary Club, November 9, on the 
county records program of the Department. 

In the State Records Section steel shelving has been in- 
stalled in the remainder of the Records Center, and records 
formerly housed in steel cabinets are being transferred to 
corrugated boxes and the cabinets are being sold. The ca- 
pacity of the Records Center has been approximately dou- 
bled by the change-over in filing systems. 

During the quarter ending September 30, the Section 
microfilmed 1,194,081 images on 136 reels of film for seven 
State agencies. During the same period, 1,036 cubic feet of 
records were admitted to the Records Center and 1,128 cubic 
feet were moved out. Records of fourteen agencies were in- 
volved. Sixty cubic feet of records were "weeded." 

Inventories have been completed recently for the Utilities 
Commission, the Murdoch School at Butner, the Alcoholic 
Rehabilitation Program, the Dorothea Dix Hospital at Ra- 
leigh, the John Umstead Hospital at Butner, and the Depart- 
ment of Conservation and Development. The records of 
thirty-six State agencies are now under schedule. 

Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor, 
attended the State Employees Association convention in 
Asheville, September 10-12, and served as chairman of the 
Resolutions Committee of Area 7. She attended the meeting 
of the Society of American Archivists in Philadelphia, Octo- 
ber 6-10. 

Mrs. Elizabeth C. Moss, Archivist II, spoke to the Raleigh 
chapter of the National Office Management Association on 

126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

December 9, discussing the Department's records manage- 
ment program. 

Division of Historic Sites 

In September Mr. Heknuth J. Naumer of Santa Fe, New 
Mexico, assumed his duties as Historic Site Specialist at the 
Town Creek Indian Mound State Historic Site, Montgomery 
County, succeeding Mr. David S. Phelps, who resigned to 
return to the University of North Carolina for graduate 
study. Mr. Naumer is a graduate of the University of New 
Mexico in archeology and has had varied experience in 
Indian archeology in the Southwest. At Town Creek he will 
continue archeological excavation of the sixteenth-century 
Indian village site and will reconstruct Indian structures in 
the program of restoring the village. 

In October Mr. Nicholas B. Bragg of Oxford succeeded 
Mr. R. Judson Mitchell as Historic Site Specialist at Benton- 
ville Battleground, located in Johnston County. Mr. Bragg is 
a graduate of Wake Forest College and has done graduate 
work at the University of North Carolina. He will continue 
to develop the battlefield project at Bentonville in prepara- 
tion for public visitation. At the present time he is super- 
vising the restoration of the Harper House, used at the time 
of battle as a field hospital, first by the Union and later by 
the Confederate forces. The Harper House is now being used 
as a temporary museum and visitor center for the project. 

In November Mr. Robert O. Conway of Asheville began 
work as Historic Site Specialist in charge of the Zebulon B. 
Vance Birthplace restoration in Buncombe County. Mr. Con- 
way, who is a graduate of the University of Kentucky, has 
been a newspaperman and at one time served as publicity 
director for Old Salem in Winston- Salem. He is taking steps 
to restore the large brick chimney that still stands at the 
birthplace site. This will be followed by the reconstruction 
of a log house of the original type in which Vance was born 
in 1830. Mr. Conway will supervise the restoration accord- 
ing to plans prepared by Mr. William W. Dodge, Jr., of 
Asheville, architect for the project. It is expected that the 
birthplace house will be rebuilt next spring. 

Historical News 127 

The failure of the special bond issue of $250,000 for His- 
toric Sites to carry in the October 27 referendum is the big- 
gest news item at the moment. The following projects will 
suffer because of the failure of the issue: visitor center-mu- 
seums will not be built at the Aycock Birthplace, Old Bruns- 
wick Town, Town Creek Indian Mound, Fort Fisher, and 
the Vance Birthplace; and the Division will be unable to 
assist local organizations with the restoration of the Marsh 
House at Bath, the President James K. Polk Birthplace near 
Charlotte, the Old Stone House near Salisbury, and the 
Daniel Boone Homestead in Davidson County. Although 
failure to pass the bond issue was a severe blow, the program 
of the Division will not be stopped. Funds appropriated by 
the General Assembly for regular maintenance and operation 
of seven projects will continue the work, though not at the 
accelerated rate of progress that is needed. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, Mr. A. L. 
Honeycutt, Jr., and Mr. W. S. Correll, the last representing 
the Department of Administration, were present in the Bur- 
lington office of Mr. George Colclough when bids were open- 
ed on December 17 for the construction of a museum-visitor 
center at Alamance Battleground State Historic Site in Ala- 
mance County. This facility is being built as a part of a long- 
range program for developing the site where Royal Governor 
William Tryon and the Regulators met in battle on May 16, 
1771. Funds were provided equally by the State and by local 
contributions. Cole and Jones of Raleigh are the architects 
for the project. Joslin Construction Company of Greensboro 
submitted the low bid of $18,333. Other contracts for the 
plumbing, heating, electrical service, and air conditioning 
brought the low bids to a total of $28,425. The one-story 
brick building will have 2,100 square feet of floor space, 
divided into a large display room, a lobby-lecture room, an 
office, a study collection room, a work room, and rest rooms. 
The building, which will be thirty by seventy feet, is sched- 
uled for completion within the next 150 consecutive days 
(or approximately five months) following approval by the 
Department of Administration. Mr. Honeycutt, who is His- 
toric Site Specialist for the Alamance project, said that con- 

128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

struction will begin late in January and should be finished 
in time for summer visitation to the site. An access road and 
parking lot were completed by the State Highway Depart- 
ment in November. 

The Charles B. Ay cock Birthplace was opened officially 
on November 1, the exact one hundredth anniversary of 
Governor Aycock's birth, in a program that was outstanding 
for attendance and public interest. The main speaker was 
Col. William T. Joyner of Raleigh. Other speeches were 
made by Hon. Edwin Gill, State Treasurer; Dr. Charles F. 
Carroll, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Mr. Charles B. 
Aycock, Jr., of Kinston, son of Governor Aycock, who repre- 
sented the Aycock family; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
representing the Department of Archives and History. Dr. 
David J. Rose of Goldsboro, State Senator and Chairman of 
the Charles B. Aycock Memorial Commission, was master of 
ceremonies. Approximately 2,000 people attended the pro- 
gram and toured the buildings afterwards. Music was fur- 
nished by the Goldsboro High School band and refreshments 
were served by the Fremont Garden Club. Mr. Richard W. 
Sawyer, Jr., is Specialist at the Aycock Birthplace. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton has been working with the Bennett 
Place Memorial Commission, of which Mr. R. O. Everett of 
Durham is chairman, in making plans for restoring the Ben- 
nett House, in which the surrender negotiations between 
Federal General William T. Sherman and Confederate Gen- 
eral Joseph E. Johnston took place in April, 1865. The sur- 
render of Johnston's army marked the real end of the Civil 
War except for minor engagements which took place later. 
Through the generosity of Mrs. Magruder Dent of Green- 
wich, Conn., and Southern Pines, most of the funds needed 
for the work on the Bennett House proper are already avail- 
able. Dr. Lenox D. Baker, Professor of Orthopedic Surgery 
at the Duke University School of Medicine, Durham, is chair- 
man of the committee to restore the building. On Septem- 
ber 11 Mr. Tarlton attended a meeting of the Durham-Orange 
Historical Commission in Durham and made a report on the 
Bennett House project. On September 23 he accompanied 
Dr. Crittenden to a meeting in Wake Forest of the group 

Historical News 129 

interested in preserving the birthplace of Wake Forest Col- 
lege. He appeared on a panel program at one of the annual 
meetings of the American Association for State and Local 
History held in Philadelphia, October 7-9, speaking on North 
Carolina's historic sites program. He also attended the meet- 
ings of the Association of Historic Sites Administrators while 
in Philadelphia. On October 21 he attended the organiza- 
tional meeting of the Colonial Bath Commission held in 
Raleigh, and on October 23 he attended a meeting of friends 
of Old Salem held at Salem College in Winston-Salem. At 
the luncheon he assisted Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman of 
the Executive Board of the State Department of Archives 
and History, in reporting on the special bond issue to be 
voted on for historic sites. On October 24 he attended the 
annual meeting of the Archaeological Society of North Caro- 
lina in Chapel Hill. Mr. Stanley A. South, Historic Site Spe- 
cialist for Old Brunswick Town State Historic Site, made an 
illustrated talk on the project and Mr. David S. Phelps spoke 
on activities at Town Creek Indian Mound. Mr. Tarlton 
represented the Department at the unveiling of a marker for 
the Battle of McPhaul's Mill near Red Springs on October 25, 
and on October 27 he represented the Department at the 
unveiling of a marker at Raft Swamp, near Red Springs, 
which commemorates a Revolutionary military encounter. 
On November 10 he attended the thirty-fifth anniversary 
celebration of the Greensboro Museum, and on November 22 
he presided at the unveiling of a marker to Rev. James Camp- 
bell, the first Presbyterian minister to serve, on a permanent 
assignment, the Scottish Highlander communities in the 
Cumberland County area. The marker is about 12 miles north 
of Fayetteville, near Linden. 

The Historical Highway Marker Program, begun in 1935, 
has been largely dormant during recent years but was re- 
vived on a temporary basis in the spring of 1959. Since that 
time more than fifty markers have been erected, bringing the 
present total of markers on the State's highways to more than 
800. A list of recently placed markers is given below. With 
the completion of current orders, the marker program will 
become inactive except for replacing markers that may have 

130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

become damaged and keeping all those in service in good 
repair. The State Highway Department takes care of the 
maintenance, as it has always done. 

(1) A-52 in Hertford County for the home of Dr. Walter 
Reed, head of the United States Yellow Fever Com- 
mission in Cuba, who lived in Murfreesboro as a young 
man and married Emily Lawrence, the daughter of a 
local merchant. 

(2) A-53 in Chowan County for the Edenton home of 
Thomas Child, Attorney-General of the Colony of 
North Carolina, 1745-1761, and secretary to Lord 
Granville. The house no longer stands. 

(3) A-54 in Pasquotank County for the home of Judge 
George W. Brooks, the Federal judge whose writ of 
habeas corpus against arbitrary arrest of North Caro- 
lina citizens during Reconstruction was upheld in 1870 
by President Grant. The house still stands in Elizabeth 

(4) A-55 in Chowan for the Edenton home of Thomas 
Barker, North Carolina agent to England, and his wife 
Penelope, reputed leader of the Edenton "Tea Party," 

(5) B-37 in Dare County for Colington Island which was 
granted to Sir John Colleton in 1663 and colonized in 
1665 by a company under Peter Carteret. 

(6) B-38 in Hyde County for two Confederate forts at 
Hatteras Inlet, Fort Hatteras and Fort Clark, which 
fell to Union troops on August 29, 1861, after two days 
of heavy naval bombardment. 

(7) B-39 in Beaufort County for the siege of Washington 
when the Confederates failed to recapture the town in 
March-April, 1863. 

(8) C-34 in Onslow County for the Richlands of New River 
Chapel, three miles south of Richlands which has been 
the site of three successive Protestant congregations: 
Anglican until about 1758; Baptist until 1877; and 
Disciples of Christ since. The marker was dedicated 
on December 6. 

Historical News 131 

(9) C-35 in Carteret County for the Core Sound Meeting, 
a Quaker center for more than 100 years after 1733. 
The marker is at the site of the meeting house six miles 
north of Beaufort. 

(10) C-36 in Beaufort County for Trinity School, an Epis- 
copal boys' school at Chocowinity, founded in 1851 by 
the Rev. N. C. Hughes and operated off and on until 
1908. The school was noted for the number of its stu- 
dents who entered the ministry. 

(11) C-37 in Onslow County for the Lot Ballard House 
(now destroyed) at which Bishop Francis Asbury 
stopped on many visits to the New River Chapel be- 
tween 1799 and 1815. 

(12) C-38 in Onslow County for the Onslow Raid of No- 
vember 23, 1862, when Jacksonville was attacked by 
the Federal gunboat "Ellis," commanded by Lieutenant 
William Cushing. The vessel was abandoned when it 
was caught under Confederate cross fire on its return 
downstream, and it ran aground. 

(13) D-60 in New Hanover County for W. B. Berry's Ship- 
yard which constructed a number of Confederate naval 
vessels including the ironclad "North Carolina" and a 

(14) D-61 in New Hanover for the grave of John N. Maffitt 
in Wilmington. Maffitt was the captain of the Confed- 
erate cruiser "Florida" and the ironclad "Albemarle" 
and several blockade runners. 

(15) E-62 in Franklin County for Moses A. Hopkins, U. S. 
Minister to Liberia, 1885-1886, and founder of Albion 
Academy in Franklinton. 

(16) E-63 in Warren County for "Bridle Creek," the birth- 
place of Matt W. and Robert Ransom, brothers, both 
of whom were Confederate major-generals. 

(17) E-64 in Northampton County for the Confederate 
breastworks at Boon's Mill, approximately two miles 
west of Jackson, where on July 28, 1863, a Confederate 
force under General Matt Ransom repulsed a Union 
march on the vital Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. 

132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

( 18 ) E-65 in Edgecombe County for the grave of Henry T. 
Clark, Speaker of the State Senate and Governor of 
North Carolina, 1861-1862, who helped to organize the 
State for the Civil War. 

(19) F-33 in Wilson County for Toisnot Baptist Church, 
founded in 1756. This marks both the early church site 
and graveyard and the new church site selected in 

(20) F-34 in Wilson County for the birthplace of General 
W. D. Pender, Confederate Major-General who was 
mortally wounded at the Battle of Gettysburg in 1863. 

(21) G-71 in Caswell County for the birthplace of Jacob 
Thompson, Secretary of the Interior from 1857 to 1861, 
Confederate secret agent in Canada, and Congress- 
man from Mississippi. 

(22) G-72 in Person County for the birthplace of J. G. A. 
Williamson, first United States representative to the 
Republic of Venezuela from 1835 to 1840. The marker 
was placed in front of Radio Station WRXO, two miles 
from Roxboro, in a ceremony on September 27. 

(23) G-73 in Granville County for Harris Meeting House, 
founded by the Methodists prior to 1778 and disbanded 
in 1828. It was the mother church in the area. A brief 
program was held at the unveiling near Oxford. 

(24) G-74 in Vance County for the Glass House at Kittrell 
Springs, formerly a noted winter health resort patron- 
ized by northern visitors. The hotel was opened in 1871 
and burned in 1893. 

(25) G-75 in Caswell County for the birthplace and family 
home of Dr. William L. Poteat, president of Wake 
Forest College from 1905 to 1927 and champion of the 
freedom of scientific thought. "Forest Home" stands 
about two miles east of Yanceyville. 

(26) H-66 in Wake County for Central Prison, built between 
1869 and 1884 by prison labor in Raleigh. Levi T. 
Schofield was the architect for the T-shaped, castel- 
lated structure and W. J. Hicks was the prison's first 

Historical News 133 

(27) H-67 in Wake County for Oakwood Cemetery in Ra- 
leigh where Governors Aycock, Bragg, Fowle, Holden, 
Swain, and Worth, other notables, and over 100 Con- 
federate soldiers and officers are buried. 

(28) H-69 in Wake County marks the Raleigh home of 
William Boylan, president of the Raleigh and Gaston 
Railroad; president of the State Bank; and publisher 
of the Raleigh Minerva from 1803 to 1810. 

(29) H-70 in Wake County marks the area near Capitol 
Square in Raleigh where the Medical Society of North 
Carolina, successor to an earlier group founded in 1799, 
was formed in 1849 with Dr. Edmund Strudwick as its 
first president. 

(30) H-71 in Wake County for the grave of John S. Ravens- 
croft, first Episcopal bishop of North Carolina from 
1823 to 1830, under the chancel of Christ Church in 

(31) 1-48 in Scotland County for Temperance Hall near 
Wagram, the meeting place of the Richmond Temper- 
ance and Literary Society from 1860 to the 1890's. The 
building was sacked by Sherman's army in 1865. 

(32) 1-49 in Robeson County for Ashpole Church west of 
Rowland, a union center of worship for all denomina- 
tions, and for the present Ashpole Presbyterian Church 
which withdrew from the original church in 1796 and 
formed its own organization. 

(33) 1-50 in Hoke County for McPhaul's Mill between Red 
Springs and Raeford, a rendezvous point for local 
Tories and the site of a battle on September 1, 1781, 
when a group of Tories under Colonel David Fanning 
routed a Whig force under Colonel Thomas Wade. A 
special unveiling service was held on October 25. 

(34) 1-51 in Hoke County for the Battle of Raft Swamp at 
which the Whigs routed the Tories on October 15, 
1781, and broke their resistance in the area. The Upper 
Cape Fear Chapter of the D.A.R. held a special cere- 
mony at the unveiling of the marker near Red Springs 
on October 27. 

134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

(35) 1-52 in Cumberland County for the grave of Rev. James 
Campbell, one of the early Presbyterian ministers in 
North Carolina from 1757 to 1780 and the organizer of 
Bluff, Barbecue, and Longstreet Presbyterian churches. 
The marker was unveiled in a special ceremony near 
Linden on November 22. 

(36) K-38 in Montgomery County for the Cheek's Creek 
home of Flora MacDonald, Scottish heroine, who lived 
in North Carolina from 1774 until 1779, when her Tory 
sentiments forced her to leave. The marker was un- 
veiled at a special ceremony attended by members of 
the Society of County Historians, the Sons of Colonial 
Wars, and others. 

(37) J-50 in Forsyth County for the new Wake Forest Col- 
lege campus in Winston-Salem. The Baptist co-educa- 
tional school was opened at Wake Forest in 1834 and 
moved to its new site in 1956. 

(38) J-51 in Forsyth County for the Nazareth Lutheran 
Church organized about 1778 by German settlers and 
formerly called the "Old Dutch Meeting House." The 
marker was placed at the present church building 
which is east of Rural Hall. 

(39) J-52 in Forsyth County for the workshop and home of 
William Cyrus Briggs in Winston-Salem who invented 
in 1898 one of the first successful automatic cigarette 

(40) L-60 in Rowan County for the Old Stone House of 
Michael Braun near Granite Quarry. The house, one of 
the few remaining Pennsylvania German stone houses 
in the State, was built in 1766. 

(41) L-61 in Rowan County near Salisbury for the home of 
Francis Locke, colonel of the Whig force which routed 
the Tories at the Battle of Ramsour's Mill on June 20, 

(42) L-62 in Rowan County at Thyatira Church near Salis- 
bury for the grave of Brigadier-General Matthew 
Locke, Revolutionary leader, member of the North 
Carolina Provincial Congress, and U. S. Congressman 
from 1793 to 1799. 

Historical News 135 

(43) L-63 in Rowan County at Salisbury for the home of 
Maxwell Chambers, a good example of the larger 
homes built about 1820, and now used as the Rowan 

(44) M-32 in Alexander County near Hiddenite for the 
grave of Brantley York, noted educator and minister, 
professor at Rutherford College, and founder of York 
Collegiate Institute and other academies. 

(45) M-33 in Davie County at Mocksville for the birthplace 
of Hinton Rowan Helper, author of The Impending 
Crisis, a bitterly controversial book which denounced 
slavery, and U. S. Consul at Buenos Aires from 1861 to 

(46) 0-25 in Polk County at Columbus for the birthplace of 
"Old Bill" Williams, well-known guide and trapper 
who helped survey the Santa Fe Trail and guided the 
ill-fated Fremont Expedition of 1848. 

(47) 0-53 in Catawba for Claremont College in Hickory 
which was founded in 1880 by the Evangelical and 
Reformed Church as a school for women and closed in 

(48) P-49 in Buncombe County near Asheville for the birth- 
place of Joseph Lane, Territorial Governor of Oregon, 
1848-1850; Vice-Presidential candidate in the election 
of 1860; U. S. Senator; and Major-General in the Mexi- 
can War. The marker was unveiled in a special cere- 
mony on October 31, co-sponsored by the two Ashe- 
ville chapters of the U.D.C. 

(49) and (50) P-50 and P-51 in Haywood County for two 
parts of the "Cataloochee Trail," an old Indian path 
across the mountains used by early settlers and fol- 
lowed by Bishop Francis Asbury in 1810. P-50 was 
erected at Cove Creek Post Office and P-51 at the west- 
ern entrance to the Junaluska Assembly. 

(51) P-52 in Henderson County at Flat Rock for "Solitude," 
the summer home of George A. Trenholm, Confederate 
Secretary of the Treasury from 1864 to 1865, South 
Carolina legislator, cotton broker, and financier. 

136 The North Carolina Historical Review 

(52) P-53 in Buncombe County at Asheville for Sulphur 
Springs, a nineteenth-century health and social resort 
patronized by low-country planters. 

(53) Q-46 in Jackson County near Whittier for the home of 
William H. Thomas, white chief and agent of the North 
Carolina Cherokee who secured their reservation for 
them. He was also a Confederate colonel and a State 

Division of Museums 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator, attended 
the meetings of the Southeastern Museums Conference in 
Memphis, Tennessee, October 13-17. She was accompanied 
by Mrs. Barbara M. Shultz and Mr. Norman C. Larson, 
members of the staff of the Hall of History. On November 10 
she and several members of the staff attended the thirty-fifth 
anniversary celebration of the Greensboro Historical Museum. 
On December 1 Mrs. Jordan talked to the Round Table Book 
Club in Raleigh on Tryon Palace and showed color slides of 
the Palace and Garden. She spoke to the women of the First 
Presbyterian Church in Raleigh on December 15 on the tra- 
ditions on Old Christmas. 

Division of Publications 

The Division of Publications has ready for distribution two 
new pamphlets— Indians in North Carolina and North Caro- 
lina in the Mexican War, 1846-1848. The 77-page pamphlet 
on Indians was written by Mr. Stanley A. South, Archeologist 
at Old Brunswick Town State Historic Site, and deals with 
North Carolina tribes, their customs, and briefly states what 
happened to them. There are seventeen illustrations and 
photographs in the book. Dr. William S. Hoffmann, Professor 
of History at Appalachian State Teachers College, wrote the 
pamphlet on the Mexican War. This 54-page booklet has 21 
illustrations. Both of these pamphlets were prepared to sup- 
ply a need for supplementary reading for North Carolina 
school children and are part of a program designed by the 
Division to aid in the teaching of North Carolina history. 
Mr. John D. Ellington, Museums Curator of the Hall of His- 

Historical News 137 

tory, designed and drew the covers for both of the booklets. 
They may be obtained by mailing $.25 (each) to Mr. D. L. 
Corbitt, head of the Division of Publications, Box 1881, 

Volume II of The John Gray Blount Papers, 1790-1795, 
edited by Dr. Alice Barnwell Keith, is available for $3.00 
upon application to Mr. Corbitt at the above address. The 
687-page book, second in a projected series of three, con- 
tinues the correspondence of John Gray, Thomas, and Wil- 
liam Blount, important figures in North Carolina in the late 
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Also available 
upon application to Mr. Corbitt for $3.00 is Volume II of 
The Papers of William Alexander Graham, 1838-1844, edited 
by Dr. J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton. This second of a proposed 
series of seven volumes has 570 pages and continues letters 
to and from Graham. Graham served successively as Gov- 
ernor of North Carolina, United States Senator, and was Sec- 
retary of the Navy under President Millard Fillmore. 

Mrs. Martha B. Waters of Cary joined the staff of the 
Division on December 1 as Stenographer II. She is a native 
of Roanoke Rapids and attended East Carolina College. Miss 
Betsy Anne Johnson of Fuquay Springs started work with 
the Division on January 1 as an Editorial Assistant I. She is 
a graduate of Elon College and formerly worked for Hos- 
pital Saving Association in Chapel Hill. 

The Editorial Board of The North Carolina Historical 
Review met on October 29 in Raleigh. Present for the meet- 
ing were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Editor; Mr. D. L. Cor- 
bitt, Managing Editor; Dr. Frontis W. Johnston of Davidson 
College; Dr. Hugh T. Lefler, Kenan Professor of History, 
University of North Carolina; Dr. Robert H. Woody, Profes- 
sor of History, Duke University; Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon, 
Associate Professor of History, Meredith College; and Mr. 
Glenn Tucker, retired newspaperman and author of Flat 
Rock. Dr. Woody, Dr. Lemmon, and Mr. Tucker are new 
appointees to the Board. All members will serve for a term 
of two years. 

Mr. Corbitt attended the meetings of the Southern Histori- 
cal Association in Atlanta, Georgia, on November 12-14. 

138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Colleges and Universities 

Dr. Elisha P. Douglass of the Department of History of 
the University of North Carolina spoke at the annual meet- 
ing of the Central Carolina Colony of the Society of May- 
flower Descendants in Pinehurst on November 21. His sub- 
ject was "Origins and Trends in American Free Enterprise." 
He published "Fisher Ames, Spokesman of New England 
Federalism," in Proceedings of the American Philosophical 
Society, CIII (October, 1959). The Department of History 
and the Graduate History Club co-sponsored two lectures 
during the Fall Semester: (1) Professor Edward R. R. Green 
of the University of Manchester, England, spoke on "Ireland 
and the United States during the Nineteenth Century" on 
September 23, and (2) Professor George Curry of the Uni- 
versity of South Carolina spoke on "Wilson, Smuts, and the 
Versailles Settlement" on November 9. Dr. James L. Godfrey 
gave a lecture at the Naval War College, Newport, R. I., on 
October 19, on the subject, "Present Day British Affairs." 
Three members of the History Department read papers at 
the twenty-fifth annual meeting of the Southern Historical 
Association in Atlanta, Georgia, November 12-14: Mr. Otto 
H. Olsen, "Albion W. Tourgee: A Controversial Carpetbag- 
ger"; Dr. Carl H. Pegg, "The Growth of an Idea: Austria, 
Germany, and France, 1923-1945"; and Dr. George V. Tay- 
lor, "Problems and Possibilities of Library Resources for 
Training Ph.D.'s in Modern European History in the South." 
Dr. Loren C. MacKinney gave a lecture at Maryville College, 
Maryville, Tennessee, on October 15, on "Pre-Modern Medi- 
cal Practices as Revealed in Manuscript Miniatures and 

The History Department of the Woman's College of the 
University of North Carolina reports a number of staff 
changes and professional activities. Dr. Richard N. Current, 
Chairman, returned to the College at the opening of the Fall 
Semester after lecturing some months in India. He served as 
a lecturer in American History under the auspices of the 
State Department, and taught for one term as a Fulbright 
Lecturer in Germany at the University of Munich. Dr. 

Historical News 139 

Eugene E. Pfaff served as commentator at a session on 
"European Union," at a meeting of the Southern Historical 
Association in Atlanta, Georgia, November 12-14. Dr. Cur- 
rent addressed the North Carolina Civil War Round Table 
in Greensboro on November 13, and on November 19-21 he 
served as one of the principal speakers at the Gettysburg 
Civil War Conference at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. Miss 
Betty Clutts, formerly of Indiana University, who is a Ph.D. 
candidate at the Ohio State University, joined the faculty 
of the History Department in September. Recent promo- 
tions in the Department include Dr. John H. Beeler and Dr. 
Franklin D. Parker to the rank of Associate Professor, and 
Dr. Barbara Brandon to the rank of Assistant Professor. Dr. 
Jordan E. Kurland, Assistant Professor, is at the University 
of Moscow for the academic year, 1959-1960, as an exchange 
scholar in the program jointly sponsored by the governments 
of the United States and the Soviet Union. The annual Har- 
riet Elliot Social Science Forum, devoted this year to the 
theme "Erupting Nationalism— Threat to the West?" was held 
at the Woman's College on November 11-12. Chairman of 
the forum committee was Professor Vera Largent. Other 
members of the History Department who directed the forum 
this year were Dr. Brandon and Dr. Lenoir C. Wright. Dr. 
Blackwell P. Robinson and Dr. Richard Bardolph have in 
recent months addressed civic and study clubs on aspects of 
American and North Carolina social and cultural history. 
Dr. Bardolph is on part-time loan to the Woodrow Wilson 
National Fellowship Foundation, to enable him to serve as 
chairman of the Regional Selection Committee, which is 
responsible for choosing more than 100 Wilson Fellows from 
five southeastern States and the District of Columbia. Recent 
publications by faculty members include a new two-volume 
American history (published by Knopf), written by Dr. 
Current in collaboration with Dr. Frank Freidel of Harvard 
and Dr. T. Harry Williams of Louisiana State. Another of 
Dr. Current's most recent books in his edition of the memoirs 
of Gen. J. B. Hood, /. B. Hood: Advance and Retreat, pub- 
lished by the Indiana University Press. Dr. Richard Bar- 
dolph's book, The Negro Vanguard, which was prepared 

140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

under a grant from the Guggenheim Foundation, was pub- 
lished by Rinehart and Company, November 23. Recent 
grantees of the Woman's College Research Council have 
included Dr. Bardolph, Dr. Brandon, Dr. Current, Dr. Kur- 
land, Dr. Parker, Dr. Robinson, and Dr. Wright. 

Dr. Frances Acomb and Dr. Robert F. Durden of the 
Department of History at Duke University are using their 
sabbatical leaves, beginning in September, to continue their 
research respectively of the Swiss commentator, Mallet Du 
Pan, and United States Senator from North Carolina, Marion 
Butler. In July Dr. Theodore Ropp was promoted to the rank 
of Professor and Dr. Frederick Holliday, Dr. Alfred Teschen- 
dorf, and Dr. Charles Young were promoted to the rank of 
Assistant Professor. Dr. Donald Gillin, who received his Ph.D. 
from Stanford University in June, was appointed Instructor. 
He will teach in the field of Far Eastern history. Dr. Ropp's 
book, War in the Modern World: A History of Land, Sea, and 
Air Warfare since the Renaissance, was published by the 
Duke University Press on December 31. 

Dr. Norris W. Preyer, Head of the Department of History 
at Queen's College, had an article, "Southern Support of the 
Tariff of 1816— A Reappraisal," published in The Journal of 
Southern History, XXV ( August, 1959 ) . Miss Audry Adams, 
who received her master's degree from the University of 
British Columbia, joined the Department in September as 
an Instructor in history. 

Dr. Burton F. Beers, Assistant Professor of History and 
Political Science at North Carolina State College, has been 
awarded a fellowship in East Asian studies at Harvard Uni- 
versity for the current academic year. 

The following are new members of the Social Studies 
Department at Appalachian State Teachers College: Dr. 
Edwin H. Gibson, III, who previously taught English and 
European history at Brenau College; Dr. Byron White, who 
last taught at the University of Oriente, Cuba; and Mr. Imre 
Sutton, a doctoral candidate at Ohio State University, who 
will serve as Instructor in geography. 

Historical News 141 

An annual magazine, Faculty Publications, at Appalachian 
has the following articles by members of the history faculty: 
"Andy Jackson Didn't Send Troops" (December, 1957), and 
"Sequel to the Peggy Eaton Story: The Revenge of John 
Branch" (December, 1958), by Dr. William S. Hoffmann; 
and "Education for the People" (December, 1958), by Dr. 
D. J. Whitener. Dr. Whitener's article was originally pre- 
sented as the presidential address at the annual meeting of 
the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association in 
Raleigh, December 5, 1958, and published in The North 
Carolina Historical Review, XXXVI (April, 1959). 

Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, head of the Department of 
History at Meredith College, presented a Festschrift, with 
Dr. William C. Askew as collaborating editor, before the 
Trinity College Historical Society at Duke University on 
October 5. The discussion was on their recent book, Power, 
Public Opinion, and Diplomacy. Dr. Wallace spoke before 
the North Carolina College Conference on November 6 in 
Durham on behalf of the North Carolina Curriculum Study, 
representing the area of history and the social sciences. A 
panel of college and university teachers presented the cur- 
ricular needs of the five basic area of study in the high school. 
Dr. Wallace, Dr. Alice B. Keith, and Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon 
attended the meeting of the Southern Historical Association 
in Atlanta, Georgia, November 12-14. Dr. Wallace spoke 
informally at the Duke breakfast on some problems of 
editing. Dr. Keith took a group of twelve students from her 
class in Colonial History to Williamsburg, Virginia, for the 
weekend of November 21-22. 

The thirteen Meredith juniors and seniors who are taking 
the internship course sponsored by the State Department of 
Archives and History and the Department of History at 
Meredith College visited the Southern Historical Collection 
in Chapel Hill, and the Manuscripts Collection of the Duke 
University Library, Durham, on November 17. Dr. Carolyn 
Wallace, senior curator of the Southern Collection, and Miss 
Mattie Russell, Director of the Duke Manuscripts Division, 
lectured to the group. Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Mr. H. G. Jones, 

142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Dr. Wallace accompanied the students. The girls who 
are interning in the Division of Publications under Mr. Cor- 
bitt are Misses Carolyn Barrington, Jane Manning, and Betty 
Stafford. In the group studying under Mr. Jones, State 
Archivist, are Misses Betsy Rand Barden, Julia Ann Hardee, 
Anna Fay Jackson, Frances Gayle Kelly, Betsy Ann Moore, 
Elizabeth Ann Peters, Susan Amanda Self, and Hilda Anne 
Strayhorn; and Mrs. Margaret Morgan Bass and Mrs. Mary 
Gee MacQueen. 

State, County, and Local Groups 

The annual business meeting of the Roanoke Island His- 
torical Association was held on December 1, at which time 
Mrs. O. Max Gardner of Shelby was elected Chairman, suc- 
ceeding Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville. Mr. Paul 
Green of Chapel Hill, author of "The Lost Colony," which 
is produced by the Association, launched a movement to 
bring closer co-operation between the University of North 
Carolina and "The Lost Colony." The Board of Directors 
agreed to investigate this possibility. This link, it is hoped, 
would allow some foundation support for the outdoor drama. 
Other new officers elected are: Mrs. J. Emmett Winslow of 
Hertford and Nags Head, Vice-Chairman; Mr. Lawrence S. 
Swain of Manteo, Secretary; and Mr. C. S. Meekins of 
Manteo, Treasurer. Members elected to the Board were Dr. 
William B. Aycock, Chapel Hill; Mr. C. Alden Baker, Eliza- 
beth City; Mr. J. Melville Broughton, Jr., Raleigh; Mr. Archie 
Burrus, Nags Head; Mr. Sam N. Clark, Tarboro; Mr. M. L. 
Daniels, Jr., Manteo; Mr. M. K. Fearing, Manteo; Mr. Albert 
M. Gard, New York and Manteo; Mr. John Harden, Greens- 
boro; Mrs. Roy Homewood, Chapel Hill; Mr. George M. 
Ivey, Charlotte; Mr. Victor Meekins, Manteo; Mr. Hugh M. 
Morton, Wilmington; Mr. John Parker, Chapel Hill; Mrs. 
W. B. Rosevear, Edenton; and the Rev. Thomas H. Wright, 
Wilmington. Mrs. I-nglis Fletcher of Edenton, Mrs. Fred 
Morrison of Washington, D. C, and Mr. Miles Clark of Eliza- 
beth City were elected honorary members. Mr. R. Bruce 
Etheridge of Manteo and Mr. Melvin R. Daniels of Wanchese 
were elected honorary vice-chairmen. Mr. Richard Jordan, 

Historical News 143 

Manager of "The Lost Colony" since 1953, resigned effective 
January 1, 1960. Mr. Clifton Britton of Goldsboro was re- 
elected director of the drama for his fifth season. Mr. Jordan 
reported that at the end of the year the deficit for the pro- 
duction was approximately $11,000. A proposed budget of 
$80,000 was approved for the 1960 season. Mr. David Stick, 
outgoing board member, proposed economy measures and a 
budget of approximately $70,000. He also suggested the 
restoration and reconstruction of an Indian village in the 
vicinity of the Waterside Theater as an additional attraction. 
He suggested that Robeson County Indians live in the village 
during the summer. 

The North Carolina Federation of Music Clubs held its 
annual meeting on December 1 in Raleigh with Mrs. C. B. 
Jefferson, President, presiding. At the afternoon session Dr. 
Arnold E. Hoffmann, State Supervisor of Music in the Public 
Schools, spoke on "Consumer Music— A Need for Every 
School and College Student," after which a harp duo was 
presented by Miss Jean Morehead and Mrs. Emily Richard- 
son Kellam, both of Raleigh. The first performance of the 
newly-formed North Carolina Civic Ballet Company was 
also given at the afternoon session. Mr. John Lehman served 
as choreographer and Mrs. Natalie Bragassa created the 
costumes. The program included "The Moldau," "The Dying 
Swan," and divertissements from "The Nutcracker Suite." 
Dancers were Mr. Lehman, Betty Holding, Ann Bragassa, 
Barbara Bounds, Frances Barbour, Bobbi Bounds, Betty 
Fowler, Jean Richards, Betty Kovach, R. Nelson Lambe, 
Bebe Blades, Polly Watkins, and Glynn Sprinkle. Miss Joan 
Neighbors, a Meredith College graduate teaching music in 
Smithfield, won an award for her composition, "Three Songs 
for Baritone," sung by Dr. James H. Edwards of Raleigh. 
John Clement Ruggero, 13-year-old ninth-grader at Leroy 
Martin Junior High School in Raleigh, received an award 
for his piano composition, "Suite in Six Movements," which 
he played. These awards were presented at the dinner meet- 
ing by Mrs. Jefferson. Principal speaker at the evening was 
Mrs. Luther H. Hodges, the State's First Lady. Mrs. Hodges 
accepted for Governor Hodges a citation on behalf of the 

144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

National Federation of Music Clubs presented by Mrs. 
Maurice Honigman. Governor Hodges was commended by 
the Federation for being the first State executive in the Union 
to proclaim February as "American Music Month." Miss 
Catherine Latta of New Bern sang a new song, "North Caro- 
lina is Home to Me," by Mrs. Marian W. Erdman, also of 
New Bern. Dr. Harry E. Cooper of Meredith College wrote 
the composition "Blessing," which was sung by Mr. Charles 
Horton of Campbell College as the invocation. Following 
the night session there was a presentation at the Memorial 
Auditorium of Handel's "Messiah," conducted by Mr. Earl 
Slocum of Chapel Hill with Mr. Raymond Kreiner of Raleigh 
serving as associate conductor. An orchestra composed of 
musicians from Raleigh, Durham, and Chapel Hill accom- 
panied the 400- voice chorus. 

The thirty-third annual meeting of the North Carolina 
State Art Societv was held on December 2 with Dr. Robert 
Lee Humber of Greenville, President, presiding. At the busi- 
ness meeting new directors elected were Mrs. O. Max Gard- 
ner of Shelby, Mr. Watts Hill, Jr., of Durham, and Mrs. 
George W. Paschal of Raleigh. Dr. Humber was re-elected 
President and Mr. Edwin Gill, State Treasurer, was re-elect- 
ed Vice-President. At the annual luncheon meeting the 
principal speaker was Mr. Michael von Moschzisher of 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, whose topic was "Functionalism 
Revisited." Dr. Humber, who presided at the dinner meet- 
ing, announced that the Samuel H. Kress Foundation gift of 
$2,500,000 worth of art works will be ready for delivery in 
1960. Other gifts included works valued at $200,000 placed 
on permanent loan, with hope for future acquisition, and 
cash of approximately $11,000. The following five winners 
were announced in the annual North Carolina Artists' Com- 
petition and will share the $1,000 award given annually by 
the State Art Society: Mrs. Rachel Chester Roth, Durham, 
for "The City"; Mr. Duncan Stuart, North Carolina State 
College School of Design, for "Concentric One"; Mr. Robert 
Partin, Woman's College, Greensboro, for "Looming"; Mr. 
Robert Broderson, Duke University, for "Fish Sink"; and Mr. 

Historical News 145 

James Bumgardner, Richmond, Virginia, formerly of Wins- 
ton-Salem, for "Qwling Table." With the exception of Mrs. 
Roth, all of the above are previous winners. Mr. Bailey 
Dwiggins, a student at Richmond Professional Institute, re- 
ceived the scholarship award given by the North Carolina 
Federation of Women's Clubs. His painting was entitled 
"Blue Table." The jury was composed of Mr. Theodore 
Stamos, New York painter; Mr. Willis Woods, Director of the 
Norton Gallery in West Palm Beach, Florida; and Mr. Ad 
Reinhardt, New York painter. Mr. A. Hyatt Mayor, 
Curator of Prints, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 
City, talked at the evening meeting on "Renaissance and 
Baroque Gardens," after which a reception and preview of 
the North Carolina Artists' Competition exhibition was held 
in the Museum of Art. 

The nineteenth annual session of the North Carolina 
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities opened with a 
director's meeting on December 3. Mr. James A. Stenhouse 
of Charlotte presided at the morning meeting. The follow- 
ing officers were re-elected: Mrs. Ernest L. Ives of Southern 
Pines, President; Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washington, 
Vice-President; Mrs. Ernest A. Branch of Raleigh, Secretary- 
Treasurer; and Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord, Honorary 
President. Mr. Fielding Lewis Fry of Greensboro reported on 
the Caldwell Log College site project; Mr. Morley J. Williams, 
landscape architect for Tryon Palace, reported on the work on 
the Palace Garden; Dr. Lenox D. Baker of Durham reported 
on the progress of the restoration of the Bennett Place; Mr. 
Ernest Harding of Salisbury gave a report on the Old Stone 
House (the Michael Braun House); Mr. Alton Gibson of 
Laurinburg told of the restoration of Temperance Hall near 
Wagram; and Mrs. J. O. Tally, Jr., of Fayetteville gave a 
"Minute Man" committee report on projects needing preser- 
vation or restoration. Mrs. Ives presided at the luncheon 
meeting at which the speakers were Mrs. Pratt Thomas of 
Columbus, Mississippi, President of the Robert E. Lee Memo- 
rial Foundation, on "Stratford Hall"; and Mrs. George M. 
Morris, owner and occupant of "The Lindens," which she 

146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

discovered in Danvers, Massachusetts, and moved to Wash- 
ington, D. C. The evening meeting was highlighted by the 
presentation of the Cannon Cup Awards made by Governor 
Luther H. Hodges to Mr. and Mrs. Edward B. Benjamin of 
Greensboro, for their gift of the Caldwell Log College site; 
Mr. Fielding Lewis Fry, for his work as chairman of the com- 
mittee to establish the site of the Caldwell Log College; Dr. 
E. Lawrence Lee of The Citadel, Charleston, South Carolina, 
for his research to locate the site of the above college; Mr. 
Frank L. Horton of Winston-Salem, for collecting furnishings 
for the restored houses at Old Salem; and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, 
Superintendent of the Historic Sites Division of the State 
Department of Archives and History, for his interest in sav- 
ing and restoring treasures of the past. Mr. Harding made a 
talk on "Historic Bath," and several persons participated in 
the reading of a play, "A Gift for Penelope," written by Miss 
Lucy Cobb of Raleigh. A reception for members and guests 

The fifty-ninth annual meeting of the North Carolina Lit- 
erary and Historical Association was held on December 4 
with Vice-President Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock presiding at 
the morning session. Following the business meeting Dr. 
David J. Rose of Goldsboro presided at a special program 
commemorating the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth 
of Governor Charles B. Ay cock. Mr. Henry Belk, Editor of 
The Goldsboro News-Argus, and Dr. R. B. House of Chapel 
Hill made brief talks on Aycock, who is known as "The Edu- 
cational Governor." A review of North Carolina fiction for 
1958-1959 was given by Dr. Daniel W. Patterson of Chapel 
Hill. Dr. Stuart Noblin of North Carolina State College pre- 
sented the R. D. W. Connor Award to Dr. Frenise A. Logan 
of the Agricultural and Technical College, Durham, for his 
article, "The Economic Status of the Town Negro in Post- 
Reconstruction North Carolina." This award is made annual- 
ly by the Historical Society of North Carolina for an article 
published in The North Carolina Historical Review in the 
field of North Carolina history or biography. Mr. McDaniel 
Lewis of Greensboro, Chairman of the Executive Board of 

Historical News 147 

the Department of Archives and History, presented the 
American Association for State and Local History Awards to 
Mr. and Mrs. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro and Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden of Raleigh, for their work in the 
restoration of Try on Palace. Members of the Association 
unanimously adopted a motion calling for the erection of an 
adequate memorial to Sir Walter Raleigh. Officers elected at 
the business session were Dr. Hugh T. Lefler, Kenan Profes- 
sor of History at the University of North Carolina, Chapel 
Hill, President; Mr. J. R. Covington of Charlotte, Mr. Holley 
Mack Bell of Greensboro, and Mrs. W. Gettys Guille of 
Salisbury, Vice-Presidents; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Secretary-Treasurer. Mrs. Quentin Gregory of Halifax and 
Mrs. John W. Mose of Durham were elected to the Executive 
Committee. Mrs. E. R. MacKethan, Vice-President, of Fay- 
etteville presided at the luncheon meeting at which time Mr. 
John Paul Lucas of Charlotte gave a review of North Caro- 
lina non-fiction for 1958-1959. Mr. Ovid Pierce of Greenville 
presented the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award to Mrs. Olive 
Tilford Dargan of Asheville for her volume, The Spotted 
Hawk. Mrs. Richard Prokof of Greensboro presented the 
AAUW Juvenile Literature Award to Mrs. Corydon Bell of 
Sapphire for her book, Captain Ghost. 

Honorary life membership certificates were presented 
(some in absentia) by Mrs. R. O. Everett of Durham to Dr. 
Alice Baldwin of Duke University, Durham; Miss Clara 
Booth Byrd, Greensboro; Dr. Carlyle Campbell, President of 
Meredith College, Raleigh; Mr. W. T. Couch of New York 
City; Mr. Jonathan Daniels, Editor of The News and Observ- 
er, Raleigh; Dr. Frank P. Graham of the United Nations, New 
York; Mr. Paul Green, Chapel Hill; Dr. William T. La- 
prade, Duke University, Durham; Dr. J. Fred Rippy, Durham; 
Mr. Phillips Russell, Chapel Hill; and Miss Gertrude Weil, 
Goldsboro. Vice-President John Fries Blair of Winston-Salem 
presided at the dinner session at which time Mr. Richard 
Walser made the presidential address on "Culture in North 
Carolina Today." President Walser presided at the evening 
session at which time Dr. John A. Krout, Vice-President of 
Columbia University, made an address on Aycock and educa- 
tion. A highlight of the meeting was the unveiling by Mrs. 

148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Hodges of the official portrait of Governor Luther H. Hodges 
and the introduction of the artist, Mr. Albert K. Murray of 
New York City. Following the unveiling Governor Hodges 
presented the Corporate Citizenship Award to the R. J. Rey- 
nolds Tobacco Company for the greatest contribution to cul- 
tural activities made by a corporation in the State during the 
past year. The award was accepted by Mr. John C. Whitaker, 
Honorary Chairman of the Board. The Allstate Insurance 
Company, represented by Mr. Morgan Bissette of Charlotte, 
won an honorable mention in the Corporate Citizenship com- 
petition. Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., Governor of the Society 
of Mayflower Descendants in the State of North Carolina, pre- 
sented the Mayflower Cup Award to Mr. Burke Davis of Guil- 
ford College for his book, To Appomattox. This award is pre- 
sented annually by the Society for non-fiction. Miss Clara 
Booth Byrd of Greensboro, President of the Historical Book 
Club of North Carolina, presented the Sir Walter Raleigh 
Award to Mr. Ernest Frankel of Hendersonville for his book, 
Band of Brothers, selected as the best volume of fiction of the 

The forty-eighth annual session of the North Carolina Folk- 
lore Society was held on December 4 with the President, Mr. 
Donald MacDonald of Charlotte, presiding. Persons appear- 
ing on the program were Mrs. Lucille Turner of Forest, Vir- 
ginia, who sang ballads, spirituals, and folksongs which she 
had collected from the back-country all over the United 
States; Mr. Wilton Mason of Chapel Hill, who read a paper, 
"Ballads in Transit"; and Mr. Douglas Franklin of Concord, 
who sang North Carolina folksongs. Officers elected for the 
coming year are Mr. Norman C. Larson of Raleigh, President; 
Mr. Richard Chase of Beech Creek, First Vice-President; Miss 
Joan Moser of Swannanoa, Second Vice-President; and Dr. 
A. P. Hudson of Chapel Hill, Secretary-Treasurer. 

The annual meeting of the North Carolina Poetry Society 
was held on December 4 with Miss Christine Sloan of Gas- 
tonia presiding. Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., of Oxford spoke on "The 
Poet's Mission," and Mr. James W. Atkins of Gastonia talked 
on "Recollections of John Charles McNeill." 

Historical News 149 

The Historical Book Club of North Carolina held a break- 
fast meeting on December 5 for members and guests. Mr. 
Ernest Frankel of Hendersonville, 1959 winner of the Sir 
Walter Raleigh Award, was a special guest. The Central 
Carolina Colony of Mayflower Descendants in North Caro- 
lina held its annual breakfast meeting on December 5 in 
honor of the officers of the State Society and the winner of 
the Mayflower Cup, Mr. Burke Davis of Guilford College. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local Historians 
held its annual meeting on December 5 with Mrs. Taft Bass 
of Clinton, President, presiding. An address by Mr. Addison 
Hewlett, Jr., Speaker of the House in the 1959 General As- 
sembly, and the presentation of awards highlighted the meet- 
ing. Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson of the Woman's College, 
Greensboro, won the Willie Parker Peace Award for his bio- 
graphy, William R. Davie. Mr. Winston Broadfoot, Director 
of the George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke Uni- 
versity Library, presented the cup which is given every two 
years for the best county or local history, or North Carolina 
biography published during that interim. Mr. Malcolm Fowl- 
er of Lillington won the Smithwick Award, presented annual- 
ly for the best historical article appearing in a newspaper or 
magazine. Awards of merit for the runners-up in the Smith- 
wick Award competition went to Mr. Charles Craven of The 
News and Observer, Raleigh, and Miss Louise Lamica of 
Wilmington. Mr. Jonathan Daniels made the awards and 
reviewed the articles briefly, as follows: Mr. Fowler's, "The 
Wandering Scots," which appeared in The State; Mr. Crav- 
en's, "The Fall of Fort Fisher," which appeared in The News 
and Observer; and Miss Lamica's, "Oakdale: History Sleeps 
Here," which appeared in The Wilmington Morning Star. 
Mr. William S. Powell, Director of the North Carolina Collec- 
tion, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, 
spoke briefly on the origin of the collection, some of its con- 
tents, and the ways the collection might be used. Officers 
elected for the coming year are Mr. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., 
of Wilson, President; Col. Jeffrey Stanback of Mt. Gilead, Mr. 
Crawford B. MacKethan of Fayetteville, and Mr. John R. 

150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Peacock of High Point, all Vice-Presidents. Mr. Johnston ap- 
pointed Mrs. Ida B. Kellam of Wilmington as Secretary-Trea- 
surer. Mrs. Bass, retiring President, appointed a committee 
to prepare a resolution to present to the next General Assem- 
bly urging more emphasis on the teaching of local history in 
the North Carolina schools. Members of the committee are 
Mrs. Raymond Carr of Edenton, Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson 
of Greensboro, Mr. Phillips Russell of Chapel Hill, and Dr. 
D. J. Whitener of Boone. 

On the afternoon of December 3, Governor and Mrs. Luther 
H. Hodges received at the Governor's Mansion for members 
of the various societies and their guests. 

The Historical Society of North Carolina met on Novem- 
ber 6 in the Assembly Room of the Department of Archives 
and History in the Education Building, Raleigh, with Mr. 
D. L. Corbitt, President, presiding. Research papers presented 
at the afternoon session were by Dr. John A. Alden, Head 
of the Department of History at Duke University, on "The 
South Ratifies the Constitution," and by Dr. Richard N. 
Current, Head of the Department of History at the Woman's 
College, on "In Relation to Carpetbaggers." Mr. Corbitt gave 
the annual presidential address at the evening session on 
"Thomas Jordan Jarvis and Some of His Services to the 
State." New officers elected for the coming year are Dr. 
Alice B. Keith of Meredith College, President; Dr. Stuart 
Noblin of North Carolina State College, Vice-President; Dr. 
Marvin L. Skaggs of Greensboro College, Secretary; and 
Dr. Alden, new council member. Other members of the coun- 
cil in addition to the above named officers are Mr. William 
S. Powell, Head of the North Carolina Collection, University 
of North Carolina Library; Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, Head of 
the Department of History of Wake Forest College; and Mr. 
Richard Walser of the English Department of North Caro- 
lina State College. Dr. James S. Purcell of Davidson College 
was elected to membership in the society. 

Dr. Frank P. Albright, Director of Museums at Old Salem, 
Winston-Salem, discussed the importance of preserving and 

Historical News 151 

restoring historic landmarks in an address to the Rockingham 
County Historical Society which met in Wentworth on Sep- 
tember 25. Dr. Albright used slides showing buildings be- 
fore and after restoration at the Moravian colony restora- 
tion. He also discussed the holdings in the Moravian Archives 
and some of the historical traditions of the Moravian Church. 
Mr. Lawrence Watt of Reidsville introduced the speaker and 
Mr. J. O. Thomas, President, presided at the meeting. Miss 
Lettie Crouch of Mayodan, membership chairman, announc- 
ed that eight new members had been secured bringing the 
total to more than 100. 

Mrs. J. M. Ballard of Claremont was elected President of 
the Catawba County Historical Association at its October 13 
meeting. Other officers elected were Mr. Coyte Wither- 
spoon of Newton, First Vice-President; Mr. D. L. Miller of 
Hickory, Second Vice-President; Miss Beulah Frazier of New- 
ton, Secretary; Mrs. F. G. Snyder of Newton, Treasurer; Miss 
Janie Wilson of Newton, Historian; and Dr. J. E. Hodges of 
Maiden, Mr. Miller, Mr. Thad Gabriel of Terrell, and Mr. 
W. T. Hoyle, Mr. James Crouch, Mr. E. B. Clapp, and Judge 
Wilson Warrick, all of Newton, trustees. 

A handbook, Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc., 
has been received by the Department. In addition to a com- 
plete roster of the members and officers, there is a section de- 
voted to the emblem of the society, the message of the Presi- 
dent, Mr. Henry Jay MacMillan, the certificate of incorpora- 
tion, bylaws, and a listing of State and national historical 
organization officials. 

Mrs. Corbin Dozier presented a description of colonial 
Hertford, using maps and documents, at the October meeting 
of the Perquimans County Historical Society. The establish- 
ment and early history of the town which is celebrating its 
bicentennial this year were discussed. Mr. Leroy Wood of 
Durants Neck showed the group a collection of objects found 
in the vicinity of the Perquimans River and the Albemarle 
Sound. He stated that one piece of pottery had been identified 
as of Indian origin, approximately 500-600 years old, by a 

152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Smithsonian Institution expert. Mr. Steven Perry of Durants 
Neck, President, presided at the meeting. 

A booklet, Town of Hertford Bi-Centennial, 1758-1958, 
and Historic Data of Perquimans County, North Carolina, 
has been issued with Mr. W. G. Newby, Sr., as author. The 
history of the town and county are discussed with a chapter 
on famous sons of Perquimans County. A listing of houses 
100 years old or older in Hertford; a section each on the 
schools, transportation, fishing, agriculture, and some of the 
"firsts" in the history of Hertford and Perquimans County 
complete the booklet. Forty-four photographs are used to 
illustrate the past and the present. 

The fall meeting of the Bertie County Historical Associa- 
tion was held at Merry Hill on October 15 with Dr. W. P. 
Jacocks, President, presiding. Mrs. George W. Capehart of 
Merry Hill gave a paper on seine fishing in the Chowan 
River and color slides of the area were shown. Highlight of 
the meeting was the awarding of prizes in the annual essay 
writing contest in the junior and senior divisions. Miss Muriel 
Prior, a senior at Windsor High School, was winner in the 
senior classification, and Miss Beth Owens, an eighth-grader 
at Merry Hill Elementary School, was winner in the junior 
division. All entries in the essay contest are kept in the files 
of the Association for use in compiling a county history. Mr. 
John E. Tyler of Roxobel, Historian for Bertie, has been asked 
to compile the history. 

The 1959 Thomas Wolfe Memorial Trophy was awarded 
to Mrs. Olive Tilford Dargan for her recent work, The Spot- 
ted Hawk, at the October 24 meeting of the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association in Flat Rock. Principal speak- 
er at the meeting was Gen. John E. Sloan (Ret.) of Weaver- 
ville, a nephew of Major Benjamin Sloan, who was General 
Joseph E. Johnston's Chief of Ordnance. At the same time a 
marker was unveiled commemorating the Sixty-Fourth North 
Carolina Regiment, C.S.A., commanded by Capt. B. T. Mor- 
ris, which was stationed at Woodfield in 1864. Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Director of the Department of Archives and His- 

Historical News 153 

tory, spoke briefly. Grandchildren of Capt. Morris unveiled 
the marker. 

Mr. John S. MacCormack of Atlantic presented a descrip- 
tion and display of Indian artifacts to the members of the 
Carteret County Historical Society in Beaufort on October 
24. All of the specimens displayed, including some from early 
white settlers, have been examined, titled, and dated by the 
Smithsonian Institution's Department of Ethnology. The loca- 
tion of Atlantic, Mr. MacCormack's home, is on a portion of 
the Indian Hunting Quarter, at one time chief source of game 
and furs in eastern North Carolina. Mr. G. M. Paul, chairman 
of a committee formed to celebrate a historical event in Beau- 
fort in 1960, outlined the project and asked the co-operation 
of the society. A committee was appointed to assist Mr. Paul 
composed of Mr. MacCormack, Mrs. Nat Smith, Mrs. Luther 
Hamilton, Sr., and Mr. A. D. Ennett. Officers re-elected for 
the coming year are Mr. F. C. Salisbury, President; Mrs. E 
G. Phillips, Secretary; Mrs. Hamilton, Treasurer: and Miss 
Amy Muse, Curator, Approximately forty members attended 
the meeting which marks the beginning of the society's sixth 

Mr. J. O. Thomas, President of the Rockingham County 
Historical Society, was the guest speaker at the Davidson 
County Historical Association meeting on October 26. Mr. 
Thomas displayed a copy of a historical map of Rockingham 
County and discussed the work of his society and the methods 
by which a county history could be financed. Mr. Thomas was 
introduced by Mr. Wade H. Phillips. Dr. Wade Sowers made 
a report on the Boone Cave project and Mrs. R. M. Middle- 
ton, Secretary-Treasurer, gave a report on membership and 
finances. President J. V. Moffitt, Jr., who presided, stated 
that a final meeting would be held in 1959 to outline a pro- 
gram for the year ahead. 

The Wake County Historical Society met in the Assembly 
Room of the Department of Archives and History in the 
Education Building in Raleigh on October 27 with Mr. John 
R. Jordan, Jr., President, presiding. Mrs. Bruce R. Carter 

154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

read the minutes of the last previous meeting and Dr. A. M. 
Fountain, Treasurer, gave a financial report. A color movie 
produced by the United States Civil War Centennial Com- 
mission was presented and Mr. Jordan introduced Mr. Lewis 
F. Watson, Raleigh photographer, who discussed a pro- 
posed historical photographic map of the historic sites in 
Wake County. The society voted unanimously to sponsor 
the map which is to be placed in the Arena at the State Fair 
grounds. Mr. Armistead M. Maupin, Projects Chairman, and 
a special committee will present definite plans and ideas for 
the map at the annual meeting in the spring. 

A copy of the program presented at the unveiling of the 
statue of Sir Walter Raleigh in Whitehall, London, England, 
on October 28 has been received by the Department. A pro- 
gramme of music by the Band of the Royal Mariners' School 
of Music, the unveiling by His Excellency John Hay 
Whitney, the American Ambassador; a dedicatory prayer by 
the Venerable Archdeacon, F. D. Bunt, Chaplain of the Fleet; 
and a fanfare by the Memorial Silver Trumpets comprised the 
program. The statue, the first public memorial to the Eliza- 
bethan explorer and historian, is a life-sized bronze, the work 
of Mr. William McMillan. A brief biography of Raleigh was 
given inside the program which was decorated with the Arms 
of Raleigh. 

The Greensboro Historical Museum celebrated its thirty- 
fifth anniversary on November 10, at the Greensboro Country 
Club with Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman of the Committee 
for the Anniversary Celebration, presiding. Mr. James G. W. 
MacClamroch extended the welcome and the Hon. George 
H. Roach, Mayor of Greensboro, gave a tribute from the 
City of Greensboro. Greetings from the State of North Caro- 
lina were given by State Treasurer Edwin Gill, and Mr. A. 
Earl Weatherly spoke on "How to See a Museum." Dr. Ed- 
ward P. Alexander of Colonial Williamsburg, President of 
the American Association of Museums, spoke on "History 
Museum: From Curio Cabinets to Cultural Centers/' Others 
participating on the program were Mrs. Ellis C. Caldwell, Mr. 

Historical News 155 

R. Reed DeVane, Mrs. Robert H. Banks, Mr. Karl E. Prickett, 
who presented the Armfield Award, and Mr. Andrew Joyner, 
Jr., who paid tribute to the Latham and Kellenberger families. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, official organ of 
the Gaston County Historical Society, for September, 1959, 
contained the following items: a story on Cramerton by Mr. 
Bryan Hurd, a report of the meeting of the Gaston County 
Historical Society at Kings Mountain National Military Park 
and a continuation of the articles on cemetery markers, both 
by Mr. Dalton Stowe, another installment of "Gaston's Old 
Homes," a story about the land grant made by George III 
to Nathaniel Eldridge, and an article on historical highway 
markers in Gaston County. The Bulletin for November car- 
ried a lengthy article on the Town of Cherryville by Mr. W. 
Tabor Robinson, present mayor of the town, and an article 
written by Clark R. Starnes when he was 79 years old remi- 
niscing about the Civil War battles around Harper's Ferry. 
There was also a report about the last meeting of the county 
historical society and a brief note relative to the county his- 
tory being written by Mr. Robert F. Cope. 

A Thought at Midnight: Historical Sketch of the Asheville 
Normal and Associated Schools, by Miss Cordelia Camp of 
Asheville, has been issued. Miss Camp traces the progress 
of the school— now the Memorial Mission Hospital— from its 
beginnings until it closed its doors in 1944. Brief biographical 
sketches of persons associated with the school are interwoven 
into the history. 

The first organizational meeting of the Wilson County His- 
torical Society was held on November 20 in the office of Mr. 
Thomas H. Woodard in Wilson. Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of 
the Division of Publications of the State Department of Arch- 
ives and History and Chairman of the Committee for the 
Organization of County Historical Societies of the North 
Carolina Literary and Historical Association, was present 
and assisted the group with plans for a permanent society. 

156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. C. C. Ware, Head of the Discipliana Library at Atlantic 
Christian College, was named as contact representative for 
the group. Plans for the society include the promotion of an 
interest in Wilson County history, the preservation of items of 
historical value and of historic sites, and the eventual pub- 
lication of a history of Wilson County. Other persons who 
have been interested in the formation of a society in the 
county are Mrs. Everett Blake, Dr. Daniel McFarland, Dr. 
C. H. Hamlin, and Mr. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr. 

Chapter six of "The Roanoke-Chowan Story," being pub- 
lished serially in The Daily Roanoke-Chowan News, is en- 
titled "Tuscaroras War and Abandon North Carolina." The 
September 22, 1711, massacre and the war which followed, 
the decline of the Meherrin Indians, and the story of the 
Algonquins of the Roanoke area are discussed in this install- 
ment. Maps and illustrations are used throughout the chap- 

Chapter seven of the serial was written by Mr. Thomas 
Parramore and is entitled "The Burning of Winton." The 
story deals with the February, 1862, crisis in the Civil War 
following the fall of Roanoke Island. The historic burning 
of the town is narrated with sketches of the officers of both 
the Union and Confederate armies and other local citizens 
identified with the story. Drawings and old photographs 
illustrate the chapter. 

Events for the 250th anniversary of the founding of New 
Bern are scheduled for a two-week period, June 11-25, 1960. 
Mr. Philip W. Steiner, Director and Treasurer of the New 
Bern-Craven County 250th Anniversary Committee, states 
that one of the events will be the presentation of a historical 
drama, "The Third Frontier," written for the occasion by Mr. 
Kermit Hunter. A number of special days beginning with 
Governor's Day on June 11 will be observed. The anniversary 
committee is composed of Mr. Robert L. Stallings, Mayor of 
New Bern, Mr. Irvin I. Blandford, Miss Gertrude S. Car- 
raway, Mr. Paul M. Cox, Lt. Col. Gordon Gray, Mr. George 

Historical News 157 

Ipock, Mr. Clifford Pace, Mr. Ralph Stanley, Mr. John R. 
Taylor, Sr., and Mr. Olin Wright. 

The third revised printing of Favorite Recipes of The Low- 
er Cape Fear is now available. The cookbook features a col- 
lection of family and modern recipes arranged by the Minis- 
tering Circle of Wilmington. It may be obtained in hotels, 
book stores, and restaurants. It may also be ordered from The 
Ministering Circle, Box 1809, Wilmington, for $2.25, postpaid. 

The Chronicle of the Bertie County Historical Association 
for October, 1959, features an article, "Thomas Barker, Colon- 
ial Lawyer," which is a condensation of an informal talk made 
to the Bertie Association by Mr. Henry W. Lewis of Chapel 
Hill. A short article on "Witchcraft in Bertie County" by Mr. 
Timothy Northcutt and an article citing the arms of the Bertie 
group are also included. 

The Goldsboro News-Argus, as a public service in connec- 
tion with the 100th anniversary of the birth of Charles B. 
Aycock, has issued an eleven-page supplement incorporating 
suggestions for a 10-year improvement plan for the State 
of North Carolina. The News-Argus invites all readers to use 
the suggestions in any way suitable to contribute to State 
progress through long-range planning. Representatives in the 
fields of education, government, finance, labor, the clergy, and 
agriculture responded to the invitation of the Goldsboro 
paper to express their hopes and ideals for the people of this 
State. Contributors to the special Aycock issue are Gover- 
nor Luther H. Hodges; Dr. Clarence Poe, Senior Editor of 
The Progressive Farmer; Mr. Carl Goerch, author and com- 
mentator; Mr. A. C. Dawson, Executive Secretary of the 
North Carolina Education Association; Mr. George P. Geo- 
ghegan, Jr., Regional Vice-President of the Wachovia Bank; 
Mr. Jonathan Daniels, Editor of The News and Observer; 
Mr. W. M. Barbee, President of the North Carolina AFL- 
CIO; Mr. W. W. Finlator, pastor of Pullen Memorial Baptist 
Church; Mr. Malcolm Seawell, Attorney General of North 
Carolina; Dr. Keith W. McKean, Department of Social Stu- 

158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

dies, North Carolina State College; Major General Capus 
Waynick, Adjutant General of North Carolina; Mr. Edwin 
Gill, Treasurer of North Carolina— all of Raleigh; and Dr. 
W. C. Davison, Dean of the School of Medicine, Duke Uni- 
versity, Durham; Mrs. Bernice Kelly Harris, novelist of Sea- 
board; Mr. Harry Golden, Editor of The Carolina Israelite, 
of Charlotte; Mr. A. B. Gibson, Superintendent of the Laurin- 
burg City Schools; Mr. Ralph H. Scott, dairyman of Burling- 
ton; Mr. William D. Snider, Associate Editor of the Greens- 
how Daily News; Mr. Johnson J. Hayes, retired federal judge 
of Wilkesboro; Mr. Watts Hill, Jr., member of the House of 
Representatives, of Durham; Dr. Robert Lee Humber, State 
Senator of Greenville; Mr. J. Spencer Bell, State Senator of 
Charlotte; Mr. John A. Larkins, attorney of Trenton; and Mr. 
Terry Sanford, attorney of Fayetteville. 


The Department has received a pamphlet, A Campaign to 
Promote the Prosperity of Colonial Virginia, by Dr. Robert 
Leroy Hilldrup, Professor of History at Mary Washington Col- 
lege of the University of Virginia, Fredericksburg, which 
originally appeared in The Virginia Magazine of History and 
Biography. The article deals with the efforts of a Virginia 
committee, established by the General Assembly in 1759, to 
encourage economic diversification in the colony. The corres- 
pondence of Charles Carter of Virginia and Sir Peter Wyche, 
Chairman of the Committee of Agriculture of the Premium 
Society (later known as Royal Society of Arts), reveals the 
many endeavors of the colonists to secure economic indepen- 
dence and promote profitable exports. 

The Department has received The Cherokee Nation by 
Ivan Allen— a small 59-page book— dealing with that group 
in Georgia. Maps and photographs are used to illustrate the 
book and one section is entitled "New Echota: Birthplace of 
the American Indian Press." The book, which was privately 
printed in a limited edition, may be obtained for $1.00 by 
writing the Ivan Allen Company, Atlanta, Georgia. 

Historical News 159 

Heraldry for the American Genealogist by Jean Stephenson, 
with drawings by Azalea Green Badgley, has been received 
by the Department. The book contains reprints, with addi- 
tions, of articles from the National Historical Magazine of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution. There are 21 chapters 
dealing with the use of arms in the United States, in the 
British Isles, and on the Continent, and a list of arms used 
in the Colonies. The book was published by the National 
Genealogical Society, 1921 Sunderland Place, N. W., Wash- 
ington 6, D. C. It may be obtained by members of the 
Society for $1.25, or by nonmembers for $2.00. 

The Department has received the January 9, 1960, issue 
of the Century Gazette, Heritage of the Nation, a newspaper 
printed by R. W. and M. F. Plumbley of Morrison, Illinois. 
The paper contains reprints from leading newspapers of 
100 years ago. News items dealing with the political situation, 
the Dred Scott Decision, and materials on prominent leaders, 
amusements, disasters, commerce, and industry of a century 
ago are included. The original style and format are preserved 
not only in the articles but also in the advertisements which 
reflect the customs and manners of the American people in 
ante-bellum days. Conflicting opinions are revealed through 
the cross section of newspaper accounts published early in 
January, 1860. Charter subscriptions, beginning with this 
issue, are available for $4.00 from the Century Gazette, Old 
Mill, Morrison, Illinois. 

Some of the national competitions open to scholars study- 
ing or working in the field of history are listed below. Other 
announcements are made of competitions throughout the 
years as information is received by the Department. 

The American Academy of Arts and Sciences will present 
$1,000 to the author of an unpublished monograph in the field 
of the humanities. The contest closes on October 1, 1960. 
For further information write Committee on Monograph 
Prizes, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 280 Newton 
Street, Brookline Station, Boston 46, Massachusetts. 

160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The fifth annual Francis Parkman Prize, awarded for a 
book published during a calendar year in the field of Ameri- 
can history or biography, is open to history scholars. For 
details write Dr. Rudolph A. Clemen, Society of American 
Historians, Inc., Princeton University Library, Princeton, New 

The John H. Dunning Prize of the American Historical 
Association will be $300, given to the author of a scholarly 
work related to American history either published since Jan- 
uary 1, 1958, or in manuscript form (preferably by a scholar 
who is young or who as yet has published little or nothing ) . 
Entries must be submitted by June 1, 1960, to Dr. C. G. 
Sellers, Jr., Dunning Prize Committee, Department of His- 
tory, University of California, Berkeley 4, California. 

The Loyola University competition for historical essays 
in manuscript form by 1959-1960 candidates for the master's 
degree will close July 15, 1960. Full details may be obtained 
from Dr. Edward T. Gargan, Loyola University, Department 
of History, 6525 Sheridan Road, Chicago 26, Illinois. 

The Library Company of Philadelphia has announced a 
fellowship with a stipend of $5,000 to be awarded for the 
full academic year, 1960-1961. The fellow will be expected 
to reside in or near Philadelphia during that time. Applica- 
tions for the fellowship, including a personal history, three 
letters of recommendation, and an outline of the proposed re- 
search, must be in the hands of the Library Company of 
Philadelphia, Broad and Christian streets, Philadelphia 47, 
Pennsylvania, no later than March 1, 1960. No application 
form is necessary. 

Applications are now being accepted for the College of 
William and Mary's Apprenticeship Program in Historical 
Administration. Sponsored by the History Department of the 
College in co-operation with the Institute of Early American 
History and Culture, and Colonial Williamsburg, Inc., the 
fifteen-month program combines academic and apprentice- 
ship training. The course awards a master's degree in history 

Historical News 161 

and prepares candidates for positions in historical societies, 
restorations, and other agencies in the fields of editing, library 
operations, and interpretations of historic sites. Persons with 
a bachelor of arts degree and at least twenty hours credits in 
history may apply for a $2,000 assistantship in any of the three 
fields of stud) 7 . Next year's program will begin in June, 1960, 
and applications will be received until April 1, 1960. Applica- 
tion forms and other information may be obtained by writing 
Dr. Lawrence W. Towner, Director of Graduate Study, De- 
partment of History, College of William and Mary, Williams- 
burg, Virginia. 

The G. P. Putnam's Sons $10,000 awards, for fiction or 
non-fiction, will be given authors who have not been previous- 
ly published by G. P. Putnam's Sons or its associated compa- 
nies. Manuscripts submitted must be accompanied by a letter 
giving the author's name and address, the title of the manu- 
script, and a statement that the manuscript is being submitted 
as a candidate for the Putnam Award and has not been pub- 
lished before in book form in the United States. The award 
money will be divided as follows: a minimum advance of 
$5,000 against royalties and other earnings to accrue; and a 
minimum of $5,000 on the advertising and promotion of the 
original Putnam edition of the book, said amount to be spent 
within eight weeks of publication. The mailing address is 
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 210 Madison Avenue, New York 16, 
New York. 

The seventh annual summer Institute on Historical and 
Archival Management will be offered by Radcliffe College, 
with the co-sponsorship of the Department of History of 
Harvard University, during the six weeks, June 27 through 
August 5, 1960. Dr. Lester J. Cappon, Director of the Insti- 
tute of Early American History and Culture at Williamsburg, 
Virginia, Archival Consultant of Colonial Williamsburg, and 
Lecturer in History at the College of William and Mary, will 
direct the course. Designed for college graduates who are 
interested in a career in archival, museum, and historical 
society work, the course is also open to employees of institu- 
tions in these related fields. The staff will consist of eighteen 

162 The North Carolina Historical Review 

or more experts in these fields, including Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden who will lead a discussion of State and local rec- 
ords. The class will be limited to sixteen, and will be conduct- 
ed as a seminar. Those completing the course satisfactorily 
will receive a certificate signed by President Mary I. Bunting 
of Radcliffe (who will assume office February 1, 1960) and 
Dr. Cappon. Two full-tuition scholarships of $200 each are 
available. Inquiries should be addressed to the Archival In- 
stitute, 10 Garden Street, Cambridge 38, Massachusetts. 

Books received for review during the quarter are: James 
H. Rodabough, The Present World of History ( Madison, Wis- 
consin: The American Association for State and Local His- 
tory, 1959); Inez E. Burns, History of Blount County Tennes- 
see: From War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795-1955 (Nashville, 
Tennessee: The Tennessee Historical Commission for the 
Mary Blount Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, 1957); Stanley M. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in Ameri- 
can Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago: The Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press, 1959); Richard Walser, Nematodes 
in My Garden (Winston-Salem: John F. Blair, 1959); 
Emma Lila Fundaburk, Parade of Alabama: An Epic 
of Southern History (Luverne, Alabama: Privately printed, 
1959 ) ; Bell Irvin Wiley, Letters of Warren Akin, Confederate 
Congressman (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 
1959); Ivan Allen, The Cherokee Nation (Atlanta, Georgia: 
Ivan Allen Company, 1959 ) ; Charles W. Arnade, Florida on 
Trial, 1593-1602 (Coral Gables, Florida: University of Miami 
Press, University of Miami Hispanic American Series, No. 
16, Published in co-operation with the St. Augustine Histori- 
cal Society, 1959); Ernest M. Eller, Bethania in Wachovia, 
Bicentennial of Bethania Moravian Church, 1759-1959 
(Winston-Salem, Privately printed, 1959); Bell Irvin Wiley 
and Hirst D. Milhollen, They Who Fought Here (New York: 
The Macmillan Company, 1959); Cornelius M. D. Thomas, 
James Forte, A Seventeenth Century Settlement, . . .(Wil- 
mington: Privately printed, 1959); Jay Luvaas, The Military 
Legacy of the Civil War: The European Inheritance ( Chica- 
go: The University of Chicago Press, 1959); Clarence 

Historical News 163 

Edwin Carter, The Territorial Papers of the United States, 
Volume XXIV, The Territory of Florida, 1828-1834 (Wash- 
ington: The National Archives and Records Service, 1959); 
Albert D. Kirwan, The Confederacy (New York: Meridian 
Books, Inc., A Volume of Meridian Documents of American 
History, edited by George F. Scheer, 1959), Richard M. Dor- 
son, American Folklore (Chicago: The University of Chica- 
go Press, A Volume of The Chicago History of American 
Civilization, edited by Daniel J. Boorstin, 1959); Robert 
L. Meriwether, The Papers of John C. Calhoun, Volume I, 
1801-1817 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press 
for The South Caroliniana Society, 1959); Ezra J. Warner, 
Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1959); Rob- 
ert West Howard, This is the South (Chicago: Rand Mc- 
Nally and Company, 1959); Robert H. White, Messages 
of the Governors of Tennessee, Volume V, 1857-1869 (Nash- 
ville: The Tennessee Historical Commission, 1959); Manly 
Wade Wellman, The County of Warren, North Carolina, 
1586-1917 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press, 1959); Alexander McDonald Walker, New Hanover 
Court Minutes, Part II, 1771-1785 (Bethesda, Maryland: 
Privately printed, 1959); Thomas D. Clark, Travels in the 
Old South: A Bibliography, Volume III, The Ante-Bellum 
South, 1825-1860, Cotton, Slavery, and Conflict (Norman: 
The University of Oklahoma Press, 1959); Arthur Bernon 
Tourtellot, A Bibliography of the Battles of Concord and 
Lexington (New York: Earl Newsom and Company, 1959); 
Nash K. Burger and John K. Bettersworth, South of Ap- 
pomattox (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1959); 
C. Harvey Gardiner, Mexico, 1825-1828: The Journal and 
Correspondence of Edward Thornton Tayloe (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1959); John L. Loos, 
Oil on Stream! A History of Interstate Oil Pipeline Company, 
1909-1959 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
1959); David Hunt Strother, The Old South Illustrated by 
Porte Crayon (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press, Introduction by Cecil D. Eby, Jr., 1959); Russell 
Hoover Quynn, The Constitutions of Abraham Lincoln and 

164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Jefferson Davis: A Historical and Biographical Study in Con- 
trasts (New York: Exposition Press, 1959); and the following 
memorial series, Jews in America in Colonial and Revolution- 
ary Times, A Book of Songs and Sonnets, Essays and Addres- 
ses, Ballads and Stories in Verse, all by Leon Huhner ( New 
York: Gertz Brothers, 1959). 

North Caro.ina State Horary 



APRIL 1960 

Volume XXXVII 

Number 2 

Published Quarterly by 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 


Hugh Talmage Lefler Sarah M. Lemmon 

Frontis Withers Johnston Glenn Tucker 

Robert H. Woody 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph Phillip Hanes 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192b, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Liter- 
ary and Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00 
receive this publication without further payment. Back numbers may 
be procured at the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — The opening and dedication on November 1, 1959, of 
the Charles B. Aycock Birthplace State Historic Site near Fre- 
mont. The event took place on the one-hundredth anniversary of 
Aycock's birth. For articles on Aycock, see pages 203-210, 211- 
216, 238-244. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII, April, 1960 Number 2 






George H. Gibson 

DECEMBER 4, 1959 


Henry Belk 


Robert B. House 


VERSES, 1958-1959 217 

Daniel W. Patterson 

FICTION, 1958-1959 223 

. . John Paul Lucas, Jr. 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 



Richard Walser 


John A. Krout 

REUBEN KNOX LETTERS, 1849-1851 245 

Edited by Charles W. Turner 


William S. Powell 


Robeson County Medical Auxiliary's Our Medical Heri- 
tage: A History of Medicine in Robeson County — By 
Edward W. Phifer; Clarks' Travels in the Old South: 
A Bibliography, Volume III, The Ante-Bellum South, 
1825-1860, Cotton, Slavery, and Conflict — By Rosser 
H. Taylor; Howard's This is the South — By George C. 
Osborn ; Wellman's They Took Their Stand: The Found- 
ers of the Confederacy — By David L. Smiley ; Kirwan's 
The Confederacy — By H. H. Cunningham; Warner's 
Generals In Gray: Lives of the Confederate Command- 
ers — By Jay Luvaas ; Walker's Vicksburg : A People at 
War, 1860-1865— By N. C. Hughes, Jr.; Luvaas's The 
Military Legacy of the Civil War: The European In- 
heritance — By Glenn Tucker ; Wiley's They Who Fought 
Here — By William S. Powell ; Labaree's and Bell's The 
Papers of Benjamin Franklin, Volume I — By Richard 
E. Welch, Jr. ; Meriwether's The Papers of John C. Cal- 
houn, Volume I, 1801-1817 — By Thomas D. Clark; Ru- 
bin's Teach the Freeman: The Correspondence of Ruth- 
erford B. Hayes and the Slater Fund for Negro Edu- 
cation, Volume I, 1881-1887, and Volume II, 1888-1893 
— By Samuel M. Holton; Gardiner's Mexico, 1825-1828: 
The Journal and Correspondence of Edward Thornton 
Tayloe — By W. Edwin Hemphill; Walser's Nematodes 
in My Garden of Verse: A Little Book of Tar Heel 
Poems — By Francis B. Dedmond; and Cole's Human 
History: The Seventeenth Century and the Stuart 
Family — By William S. Powell. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII April, 1960 Number 2 



By Willard Badgette Gate wood, Jr.* 

The movement to establish a national park in the Appa- 
lachian Mountains of North Carolina began late in the nine- 
teenth century. The first organized effort in this direction was 
undertaken by citizens of the resort town of Asheville. Under 
the leadership of Dr. C. P. Ambler, the Asheville Board of 
Trade organized the Appalachian National Park Association 
in November, 1899, which included prominent public figures 
from nearly all southeastern States. For six years, the associa- 
tion waged a vigorous publicity campaign and won strong 
support from many congressional figures, particularly two 
Republicans, Senator Jeter C. Pritchard of North Carolina 
and Representative W. P. Brownlow of Tennessee. When 
the association recognized the futility of seeking federal funds 
for a national park, it concentrated upon establishing a forest 
reserve and changed its name to the Appalachian National 
Forest Reserve Association. At that time President Theodore 
Roosevelt was dramatizing the conservation of natural re- 
sources and heartily endorsed the Appalachian forest reserve 
idea. Despite the widespread support of the movement, the 
association encountered serious opposition which for twelve 
years prevented the establishment of forest reserves in the 
Southern Appalachians. Among the major obstacles were the 

f For an earlier movement, see Charles Dennis Smith, "The Appalachian 
Park Movement, 1885-1901", The North Carolina Historical Review, 
XXXVII (January, 1960), 38-65. 

* Dr. Willard Badgette Gatewood, Jr., is an Assistant Professor of His- 
tory, East Carolina College, Greenville. 


Great Smoky Mountains National Park 167 

ice in 1916 and the organization of the National Parks As- 
sociation three years later provided an additional impetus to 
the park movement. 4 Amid this atmosphere State officials, 
congressmen, and private citizens from North Carolina and 
Tennessee renewed their fight for a national park in the 
Great Smoky Mountains. 

In 1922 and 1923 several bills were introduced in Congress 
to provide for the establishment of national parks in various 
sections of the Southern Appalachians. Congress, however, 
adjourned without enacting any of them. In February, 1924, 
Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work, cognizant of the 
existing agitation, appointed a committee of five prominent 
conservationists to study lands east of the Mississippi River 
with a view toward determining those areas suitable for a 
national park. Unlike the great parks of the West which 
were generally carved out of the public domain, national 
parks in the East would have to be purchased from private 
owners. Nevertheless, the Secretary informed the several 
states of his "desire to establish a great national park east of 
the Mississippi River." The report of his committee, presented 
to Congress on December 13, 1924, mentioned favorably the 
Great Smokies as a possible site for such a project. 5 

In the meantime, the General Assembly of North Carolina 
had convened in special session in the summer of 1924 to 
consider Governor Cameron Morrison's program for harbor 
and port facilities. Speaker of the House John G. Dawson, 
President E. C. Brooks of North Carolina State College, and 
three legislators from the mountain counties, Mark Squires, 
Harry Nettles, and Plato Ebbs, were anxious to follow up 
Secretary Work's favorable attitude toward establishing a 
national park east of the Mississippi River. Through their 
influence the legislature established a "special commission for 
the purpose of presenting the claims of North Carolina for a 
national park" and appropriated $2,500 for its expenses. 

* Parkins and Whitaker, Our Natural Resources, 11-12; Harlean James, 
Romance of the National Parks (New York, 1941), 65-69, hereinafter cited 
as James, Romance of the National Parks. 

5 Congressional Record, Sixty-Seventh Congress, Third Session, LXVIII, 
270; James, Romance of the National Parks, 86-88; Report of the North 
Carolina Park Commission, 1931, 3, hereinafter cited as Report of Park 
Commission, 1931. 

168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The commission was composed of eleven members, five of 
whom were chosen by the Speaker of the House and three by 
the President of the Senate. In a separate resolution the 
presidents of North Carolina State College and the University 
and the Speaker were appointed to the commission. 6 

The real reason for this resolution was to insure the election 
of Dawson and Brooks, both of whom had manifested an 
especial interest in the park project. Dawson was not only 
largely responsible for the establishment of the commission, 
but was an influential figure in State politics and a resident 
of an eastern county. The "proper" geographical distribution 
of the commission's membership was considered an important 
factor in winning state-wide support for the park which was 
generally viewed as of value only to the western area. 
Several legislators, including Dawson, felt that Brooks ought 
to be placed on the commission for two main reasons. He 
was keenly interested in the park and possessed the savoir- 
faire necessary for the successful conduct of tedious negotia- 
tions that would be required for the acquisition of park lands. 
Moreover, the park advocates in the legislature realized that 
the purchase of these lands would probably require generous 
financial aid from private sources such as the Rockefellers. 
They believed that Brooks, as a former State Superintendent 
of Public Instruction well-known to Rockefeller's General 
Education Board, would be a valuable asset in securing a 
donation from the Rockefeller family. 7 

The organizational meeting of the park commission was 
held in the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh on October 8, 1924. 
State Senator Mark Squires of Lenoir w 7 as elected chairman 
and Brooks secretary. Obviously, the most pressing task of 
the group was to persuade federal officials of the desirability 

"Interview with Mr. John G. Dawson, September 7, 1956; memorandum 
by Mr. Harry Nettles, September 17, 1956; John G. Dawson to J. C. B. 
Ehringhaus, July 19, 1933, Governor's Papers, Department of Archives 
and History; Minutes of the Special Commission for Presenting the Claims 
of North Carolina for a National Park, October 8, 1924, Eugene C Brooks 
Papers, Duke University, Durham, hereinafter cited as Brooks Papers. 
The members of the Commission were E. C Brooks, Raleigh; John G. 
Dawson, Kinston; Harry Chase, Chapel Hill; Mark Squires, Lenoir; Harry 
Nettles, Biltmore; Plato Ebbs, Asheville; D. M. Buck, Bald Mountain; 
A. M. Kistler, Morganton; Frank Linney, Boone; E. S. Parker, Jr., Greens- 
boro; and J. H. Dillard, Murphy. 

7 Interview with Mr. John G. Dawson, September 7, 1956. 

Great Smoky Mountains National Park 169 

of a national park in the Great Smoky Mountains. A com- 
mittee of five, including Squires, Brooks, and Dawson, was 
selected to plead the cause of a national park in Washing- 
ton, employ publicity agents, and prepare reports for the 
Interior Department. They were convinced that "all North 
Carolina" must agree on one park site and "press it to the 
utmost" rather than risking everything by seeking "too 
much." 8 

In January, 1925, the matter of a national park in the 
Southern Appalachians was championed in Congress by 
several Southern delegations and particularly by Representa- 
tive Henry W. Temple of Pennsylvania, chairman of the 
survey committee created by the Secretary of the Interior 
in 1924. The proponents of a national park in the Shenandoah 
region of Virginia, however, seemed to be determined to 
achieve their goal regardless of the claims presented by 
neighboring States. Over 200 Virginians led by their Governor 
had invaded Washington, called upon President Calvin Cool- 
idge, and set up a permanent lobby to promote the selection 
of the Shenandoah site. Such strong support obviously en- 
hanced the position of the Virginia congressmen. 9 

The North Carolina park commission immediately sensed 
the danger of Virginia's activities to its own cause and turned 
to the North Carolina congressional delegation for help. Both 
Senators, F. M. Simmons and Lee Overman, responded to 
the call, while Representatives Alfred Bulwinkle, Zebulon 
Weaver, Robert Doughton, and Charles Abernethy took up 
the cause of the Great Smokies in the House. As a member 
of the House Committee on the Public Lands, Abernethy in 
particular played a key role in the ensuing negotiations. On 
January 19, 1925, several members of the park commission, 
led by Squires and Brooks, met in Senator Simmons's office 
to plan their strategy. This was followed by various confer- 
ences with representatives from Tennessee and Virginia, 
which resulted in an agreement to place the Shenandoah and 
Great Smoky Mountains sites on "equal footing" in their 

8 Minutes of the Special Park Commission, October 8, November 19, 1924, 
Brooks Papers; Mark Squires to E. C. Brooks, November 13, 1924, and 
John G. Dawson to E. C. Brooks, December 20, 1924, Brooks Papers. 

9 The News and Observer (Raleigh), January 20, 21, 1925, hereinafter 
cited as The News and Observer. 

§ e 

•5 J- 





03 t- 

f-t as 


^ PL, 


Great Smoky Mountains National Park 171 

ern Appalachians and suggested that representatives from 
the three interested States hold a meeting in order to iron out 
their differences and renew their agreement. 14 At such a meet- 
ing in Richmond on September 9, 1925, he made an eloquent 
plea for co-operation among the proponents of the two parks, 
and after a full discussion, the delegates agreed to "pool their 
interests and work for two national parks." To promote co- 
operation they organized the Appalachian National Parks 
Association, composed of representatives from North Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, and Virginia. 15 

In the meantime, the North Carolina park commission 
planned its campaign to collect private subscriptions and 
donations to purchase lands in the Great Smoky Mountains 
area. In 1925 the understanding was that the park site would 
be purchased without financial assistance from the State or 
federal governments. Thus, on September 2, 1925, the park 
commission created a holding committee for the purpose of 
receiving donations, called Great Smoky Mountains, Incor- 
porated. Later, the park commission joined with its counter- 
part in Tennessee to employ a New York firm to assist in a 
fund-raising campaign with a goal of $1,000,000 by March 
1, 1926. At the same time, the North Carolina commission 
reorganized its publicity work under the direction of F. 
Roger Miller of the Asheville Board of Trade and Horace 
Kephart, author of Our Southern Highlanders. 16 The pub- 
licity bureau distributed literature describing the "wonders" 
of the Great Smokies, published articles in newspapers and 
magazines to arouse public support for the project, and spon- 
sored essay contests in the public schools on "Why I Would 
Like a National Park in the Great Smoky Mountains." The 
propaganda of the bureau generally centered around the rec- 
reational advantages of such a project, its preservation of 

14 E. C. Brooks to Mark Squires, August 25, 1925, Brooks Papers; inter- 
view with Mr. E. C. Brooks, Jr., July 12, 1956. 

15 Joint Meeting of the North Carolina Park Commission, the Great 
Smoky Mountains Conservation Association, and the Shenandoah Park 
Association, September 9, 1925, E. C. Brooks to H. J. Benchoff, September 
29, 1925, Brooks Papers. 

18 Minutes of the Special Park Commission, September 2, October 21, 
1925, Mark Squires to E. C Brooks, December 1, 1925, Brooks Papers; 
Report of Commission, 1931, 4; Minutes of the Meeting of Great Smoky 
Mountains, Inc., December 15, 1925, Brooks Papers. 

172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

forests and protection of the headwaters of major streams, 
and its potential economic value as a tourist attraction. 17 

By January, 1926, only $500,000 had actually been secured 
by North Carolina and Tennessee for the purchase of park 
lands. Squires informed Governor A. W. McLean that the 
opposition of the pulp and lumber interests to the park move- 
ment had "seriously embarassed" the campaign in Asheville 
and complained that western North Carolina was bearing the 
financial burden with almost no assistance from the eastern 
counties. By April, 1926, the park commission reported $450,- 
000 in private subscriptions for its part in the $1,000,000 goal, 
"assuming that Asheville would complete the Buncombe 
County quota." Of the amount subscribed only $50,000 came 
from sections east of the mountains, an indication that the 
commission had not aroused the state-wide support of the 
park that it desired. In April, 1926, however, the State 
Democratic Convention included the establishment of a 
Great Smoky Mountains National Park as a plank in its plat- 
form. Some observers interpreted this as an indication that 
the State would provide an appropriation for the purchase of 
park lands at the next session of the legislature. 18 

On April 14, 1926, the Secretary of the Interior designated 
the approximate boundaries of national parks in the Great 
Smokies and Shenandoah regions on the basis of the report 
of his special survey commission. Representative Temple, 
chairman of that commission, introduced a bill in Congress 
for the establishment of national parks in these areas. 19 In 
describing his bill before the House Committee on Public 
Lands, he declared that "the parks are to be acquired without 
cost to the United States Government, and to be accepted by 
the Secretary of the Interior, when they are turned over 

17 E. C. Brooks to Plato Ebbs, October 31, 1925, E. C. Brooks to P. Roger 
Miller, October 27, 1925, E. C. Brooks to Mark Squires, December 19, 1925, 
Brooks Papers; Horace Kephart, "The Great Smoky Mountains National 
Park," The High School Journal VIII (October-November, 1925), 59-65, 69; 
William Gregg, "Two New National Parks?" The Outlook, CXLI (December 
30, 1925), 662-667; Horace Kephart, "The Last of the Eastern Wilderness," 
World's Work, LI (April, 1926), 617-636. 

18 Mark Squires to A. W. McLean, January 5, 1926, Governor's Papers; 
The News and Observer, April 6, 30, 1926; Minutes of the Special Park 
Commission, October 21, 1925, Brooks Papers. 

19 Congressional Record, Sixty-Ninth Congress, First Session, LXVII, 
7,806; The News and Observer, April 10, 15, 1926. 

Great Smoky Mountains National Park 173 

to the United States in fee simple." 20 The Great Smoky 
Mountains claims were ably presented to the House Com- 
mittee on May 11, 1926, by Colonel David Chapman of Ten- 
nessee and by Mark Squires, Charles Abernethy, and Zebulon 
Weaver of North Carolina. They emphasized that the park 
would not only provide recreational facilities near the eastern 
centers of population, but would aid in forest preservation and 
flood control. They also made much of the fact that only one 
of the twenty national parks was located east of the Missis- 
sippi River. These delegates managed to secure an important 
change in the Temple Bill, which reduced the minimum area 
of land necessary for the federal government to assume 
"limited administration" of the park from 300,000 to 150,000 
acres. However, no general development of the Great Smoky 
Mountains region would be undertaken by the National Park 
Service until "a major portion" of the 704,000 acres specified 
by the Secretary of the Interior had been accepted by the 
federal government. When the park bill reached the floor of 
the House, Representative Weaver spoke eloquently in its 
defense and presented a comprehensive statement of the 
advantages of such a park. He also argued that the existing 
agitation over the Muscle Shoals question enhanced the 
need for a park because in the Great Smokies "countless 
streams are born that contribute to the Tennessee River." 
The Temple Bill with Committee amendments was passed on 
May 17, 1926, and signed by President Coolidge five days 
later. The way was now cleared for the actual establishment 
of national parks in both the Shenandoah and Great Smokies 
regions. 21 

Following the passage of the act, the North Carolina park 
commission was confronted with the formidable task of 
securing the necessary lands for the park. Its efforts to raise 
funds for this purpose through private subscriptions had pro- 
duced a wealth of promises, but little actual cash. 22 The 

90 Hearings Before the Committee on Public Lands, House of Representa- 
tives, Sixty-Ninth Congress, First Session, 5, hereinafter cited as Hearings 
on Public Lands, 

21 Hearings on Public Lands, 1-18; The News and Observer, May 12, 1926; 
Congressional Record, Sixty-Ninth Congress, First Session, LXVII, 9,450- 
9,459, 9,581, 9,886. 

83 Great Smoky Mountains, Inc. ; Statement of Receipts and Disburse- 
ments, October 22, 1925-July 31, 1926, Brooks Papers. 

174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

commission members became convinced that a State appro- 
priation was necessary in view of the large amount of land 
that would have to be acquired from hostile lumber and 
pulp companies. Both Squires and Brooks were keenly aware 
of the opposition of the "lumber interests" and clearly per- 
ceived the commission's need for additional powers and finan- 
cial support to overcome this obstacle. 23 In November, 1926, 
Squires, Brooks, and Plato Ebbs began preparing their stra- 
tegy for the forthcoming legislature. They drafted a bill 
increasing the powers of the park commission and providing 
a State appropriation of $2,000,000 for the purchase of park 
lands. The bill was to be managed in the legislature by 
Squires and Ebbs. Brooks urged the commission's publicity 
director to initiate a campaign to arouse the interest of legis- 
lators from all sections of the State and suggested that more 
attention be given to the potential economic value of the park 
to the State in general. 24 

By the opening of the General Assembly in January, 1927, 
prospects for a State appropriation for a national park ap- 
peared to be favorable. At this juncture Squires, who was 
physically ill and nervous, "conceived a bitter dislike" for 
Governor McLean and openly criticized him. There seemed 
to be some danger that Squires's behavior would endanger the 
passage of the park bill, but Brooks contacted the Governor 
and "smoothed things over" with him. 25 Following this epi- 
sode, Squires and Brooks arranged a dinner for a delegation 
of park advocates including Representative Temple and A. 
B. Cammerer, Assistant Director of the National Park Serv- 
ice, who were in Raleigh to aid in the passage of the park 
bill. Thirty members of the legislature attended the dinner 
at which Temple and Cammerer expounded the advantages 
of a national park to the State. 26 By early February, 1927, the 
park commission had marshaled all forces necessary for the 

28 E. C. Brooks to Mark Squires, September 14, 1926, and Mark Squires 
to E. C. Brooks, September 14, 1926, Brooks Papers. 

24 The Technician (North Carolina State College student newspaper), 
March 7, 1930; E. C. Brooks to Roger Miller, November 27, 1926, Brooks 

25 J. D. Murphy to E. C. Brooks, January 19, 1927, E. C. Brooks to J. D. 
Murphy, January 24, 1927, Brooks Papers. 

26 E. C. Brooks to Charles Webb, February 4, 1927, Brooks Papers; The 
News and Observer, February 3, 1927. 

Clingman's Dome parking overlook, 
October, 1958 

North Carolina News Bureau 
photo by Shafter Buchanan 

Great Smoky Mountains National Park 175 

passage of the bill except the active support of Governor Mc- 
Lean who still remained silent on the issue. Senator Simmons 
had already publicly endorsed the $2,000,000 appropriation. 
Finally, on February 16, 1927, Governor McLean broke his 
prolonged silence on the park bill with a statement strongly 
favoring its passage. 27 Several days earlier, the Secretary of 
the Interior, having determined the approximate size of the 
park, had notified McLean that North Carolina's part would 
consist of 225,500 acres. 28 

The park bill passed the legislature without serious opposi- 
tion although the Champion Fibre Company, one of the 
largest landowners in the area, had its spokesmen on hand 
to fight the measure. 29 The act provided for a "body politic 
and corporate under the name of 'North Carolina Park Com- 
mission' " composed of the eleven members of the existing 
commission. The Great Smoky Mountains, Incorporated, the 
holding company, was dissolved and its powers and funds 
transferred to the new park commission. The act authorized 
a State bond issue of $2,000,000 for the purchase of speci- 
fied park lands and vested the commission "with the power 
of eminent domain to acquire . . . and to condemn for park 
purposes land and other property." An important amendment 
to the original bill stipulated three prerequisites for the ex- 
penditure of bond funds by the commission. First, the Secre- 
tary of the Interior must have specifically designated the 
area to be acquired in Tennessee and North Carolina. Second, 
Tennessee must have made adequate financial provision for 
the purchase of its portion of the designated area. Third, the 
North Carolina Park Commission must have sufficient funds, 
including the $2,000,000 authorized by the State, to acquire 
that portion of the park within North Carolina. 30 

At the first meeting of the North Carolina Park Commis- 
sion on March 18, 1927, Squires and Brooks were re-elected to 
their respective positions as chairman and secretary, and 

27 The News and Observer, January 27, February 12, 17, 1927. 

28 Hubert Work to A. W. McLean, February 8, 1927, Governor's Papers. 

29 The News and Observer, February 10, 1927. 

80 An Act to Provide for the Acquisition of Parks and Recreational Faci- 
lities in the Great Smoky Mountains of North Carolina, February 25, 1927 
(n.p., 1927), 3-16; The News and Observer, February 16, 1927. 

176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Plato Ebbs became treasurer. 31 The commission soon realized, 
however, that the purchase of the park lands in North Caro- 
lina and Tennessee would require approximately $10,000,000. 
According to its estimates, North Carolina would need $4,- 
816,000 to secure its portion of the land. But the State bond 
issue and the private subscriptions provided about one-half 
the amount necessary for the park commission under the law 
of 1927 to proceed with the purchase of lands. 32 At this junc- 
ture John D. Rockefeller, Jr., came to the commission's rescue. 

In 1927 Rockefeller was approached with a request to in- 
clude the Great Smoky Mountains National Park among 
his philanthropies. A. B. Cammerer of the National Park 
Service was the first person to arouse his interest in the park 
and had accompanied him on a camping trip in the park 
area. Later, Squires visited the Rockefeller offices in New 
York obviously for the purpose of encouraging this interest. 
At any rate, on February 28, 1928, Rockefeller gave $5,000,- 
000 from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial to pro- 
mote the establishment of a national park in the Great Smok- 
ies. The gift was to be available as soon as North Carolina 
and Tennessee provided funds from their bond issues. 33 

This financial assistance cleared the way for the North 
Carolina Park Commission to begin the actual work of estab- 
lishing a national park. The commission organized its execu- 
tive staff in the spring of 1928 and selected Verne Rhoades 
of Asheville as executive secretary. Rhoades set up an office 
in Asheville and employed a staff of foresters, surveyors, and 
men acquainted with land values. 34 In describing his activi- 
ties, he later stated: "I had charge of the entire program of 
acquisition of land within the purchase area on the North 
Carolina side of the Great Smoky Mountains. This work em- 
braced boundary surveys, title examinations, timber evalua- 

31 Minutes of the North Carolina Park Commission, March 18, 1927, 
Brooks Papers. 

33 Report of Park Commission, 1931, 4-5; Annual Report of the Secretary 
of the Interior, June 30, 1927, 131. 

33 Memorandum by Mr. Verne Rhoades, November 20, 1956; interview with 
Mr. John G. Dawson, September 7, 1956; Report of Park Commission, 
1931, 5; Raymond Fosdick, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., A Portrait (New York, 
1956), 320; Beardsley Ruml to A. W. McLean, November 1, 1928, Gov- 
ernor's Papers. 

^Report of Park Commission, 1931, 5. 

Great Smoky Mountains National Park 177 

tions, farm land valuations, ascertaining the timber stands 
by actual cruise, employment of necessary personnel, pre- 
paration of reports covering each individual ownership and 
the presentation of these reports to the Commission for con- 
sideration." 35 

On April 16, 1928, the commission directed Rhoades to 
proceed with the condemnation of land within the park area. 
The members of the commission generally disliked the con- 
demnation approach for acquiring park lands, especially when 
it involved small farm owners. They sympathized with fami- 
lies forced to move off land that had been theirs for genera- 
tions and were fully aware of the emotional, physical, and 
economic effects of such procedures. Thus, the commission 
employed its powers of condemnation against small farmers 
only as a last resort. To some residents the park was "unin- 
vited and unwelcome"; to others it provided an opportunity 
to purchase farms in areas with better schools and roads. On 
the other hand, several large lumber and pulp companies 
demonstrated a spirit of defiance. They accelerated their 
timber-cutting activities in the park area, then held out for 
prices which the commission could not justify by its surveys. 36 

Therefore, the commission was frequently forced to insti- 
tute condemnation proceedings against the lumber compan- 
ies' lands. Its first serious legal battle was with the Suncrest 
Lumber Company, which owned 32,853.53 acres within the 
proposed park site. The company continued to cut timber 
in this area and consistently rejected the commission's bids 
on its property. In the summer of 1928 when the commission 
condemned the Suncrest lands, the company tested the con- 
stitutionality of the park act of 1927, and the courts upheld 
its validity. Finally, in September, 1932, after prolonged and 

35 Memorandum by Mr. Verne Rhoades, November 29, 1956. See also 
"The Great Smoky Mountains National Park," The Wachovia, XXIV (Oc- 
tober, 1931), 3-16. 

39 Minutes of the N. C. Park Commission, April 16, 1928, Brooks Papers; 
memorandum by Mr. Verne Rhoades, November 20, 1956; interview with 
Mr. John G. Dawson, September 7, 1956; memorandum by Mr. Harry 
Nettles, September 17, 1956; Robert H. Woody, "Cataloochee Homecoming," 
South Atlantic Quarterly, XLIX (January, 1950), 8; Irving Melbo, Our 
Country's National Parks (New York, 2 volumes, 1941), I, 139. 

180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

procedure, rapidly led the negotiations to a satisfactory con- 
clusion. Reuben Robertson, president of the Champion Fibre 
Company, later wrote him: "While we are fully aware of 
the fact that we accepted a price for our property far below 
its real value, still we feel that the negotiations as conducted 
by you were carried on on the highest possible plane and 
with consummate skill." 45 The Champion Fibre Company 
lands were purchased for $3,000,000 of which North Caro- 
lina paid $2,000,000 and Tennessee $1,000,000. 46 

By January, 1933, the commission had transferred 138,463 
acres to the National Park Service. The outstanding tract 
within the park site to be purchased was the 32,709.57 acres 
owned by the Ravensford Lumber Company. But by 1933 
the Interior Department had increased the minimum area 
of the park in North Carolina to 228, 960 acres, which would 
necessitate additional financial resources. 

This official area included 357 "different and distinct tracts 
of land owned by unnumbered persons." 47 The report of the 
park commission in 1933 described its activities during the 
previous biennium as follows: 

In handling the acquirement of this area, it has been neces- 
sary to make numbers of surveys of individual tracts and locate 
disputed lines and lappages; and in order to comply with the 
requirements of the Federal Government, abstracts of titles in 
a very complete and complicated form were essential. It has been 
necessary to employ timber cruisers and various kinds of experts 
in order to determine values within the area. Further, the Com- 
mission has had to acquire mineral interests of an indefinite 
value and meet the argument of land owners as to consequen- 
tial damages. Land has been acquired by condemnation, options, 
and outright purchases. In all condemnation proceedings, where 
the Park Commission took an appeal from the commissioners' 
award, the jury has awarded greater sums for the lands con- 
demned. The appeals made by the Commission have followed 
only the appeals of the land owners and were made on behalf 
of the Commission to protect its supposed interest. 48 

1931, to Secure the Property of the Champion Fibre Company," Brooks 
Papers; E. C. Brooks to 0. Max Gardner. April 29, 1931, Governor's Papers. 

45 Reuben Robertson to E. C. Brooks, May 7, 1931, Brooks Papers. 

46 Minutes of the N. C. Park Commission, June 16, 1931, Brooks Papers. 

47 Report of Park Commission, 1931, 3-4. As originally contemplated, the 
North Carolina portion of the park would contain a minimum of 214,000 
acres, and the park commission had made its financial estimates on this 
basis. But by 1933, the area had been increased to 228,960 acres. Report 
of Park Commission, 1931, 3-4. 

48 Report of Park Commission, 1931, 3. 

Great Smoky Mountains National Park 181 

One of the commission's depositories, the Central Bank and 
Trust Company of Asheville, had failed on November 20, 
1930, amid the tightening economic depression. The commis- 
sion, however, had its deposits of $326,016.70 guaranteed with 
surety bonds and other securities. The immediate payment 
of one bond and the sale of securities reduced the amount 
due from the bank to $122,716.35. Three companies holding 
other surety bonds refused to pay, whereupon the commis- 
sion initiated legal action against them. The commission re- 
port concluded that in order to complete the purchase of 
park lands either the State or some other agency would have 
to provide additional funds. 49 

The defensive tone of this report indicated that Brooks 
and Squires who wrote it were cognizant of the mounting 
opposition to their expenditure of park funds. At any rate, 
the General Assembly of 1933, convening just as the depres- 
sion plunged the State to the bottom of the economic abyss, 
voiced loud and bitter criticism against the park commission. 
The legislators suggested that it was guilty of gross extrava- 
gance and "porkbarrelling." 50 The leaders of the opposition 
concentrated their attacks upon the loss of park funds in the 
defunct Asheville bank and the "enormous" legal fee paid to 
Mark Squires as a special attorney for the commission. State 
Senator W. O. Burgin introduced a bill that would have abol- 
ished the park commission and transferred its functions to the 
State Department of Conservation and Development. Brooks 
prevented the passage of this measure through his personal 
influence with key legislators. 51 

Burgin, however, continued to proclaim that "something 
rotten" was involved in the park project, while State Senator 
John Sprunt Hill demanded that the commission give a full 
"accounting" of its activities. 52 The newly-elected United 
States Senator from North Carolina, Robert R. Reynolds of 
Asheville, had already requested Governor Gardner to with- 

49 Report of Park Commission, 6-8, 10. 

50 Harry Rotha to J. C. B. Ehringhaus, March 9, 1933; John G. Dawson 
to J. C. B. Ehringhaus, April 1, 1933, Governor's Papers. 

51 The News and Observer, February 2, April 1, 1933; E. C. Brooks to 
A. B. Cammerer, February 2, 1933, Brooks Papers. 

52 The News and Observer, February 2, April 1, 1933. 

184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1933, allotting $1,550,000 from the emergency funds for 
land acquisition within the park area for the program of the 
Civilian Conservation Corps. The Rockefeller Foundation 
then made an additional contribution to the project. North 
Carolina secured most of these funds, "because of the urgen- 
cy of paying the condemnation award" to the Ravensford 
Lumber Company and of making good its options on other 
lands. After a long and costly legal battle, the North Caro- 
lina Park Commission finally in 1934, secured the 32,709.57 
acres owned by the Ravensford Company, thereby acquiring 
the last major tract in the North Carolina part of the park. 
With generous federal aid, the State completed its purchases 
of park lands by April, 1937. An additional appropriation of 
$743,256.29 by Congress in the following year insured the 
early completion of the Tennessee portion of the project. 63 
Amid elaborate ceremonies in Newfound Gap on Septem- 
ber 2, 1940, the Great Smoky Mountains National Park was 
officially dedicated by President Roosevelt. After more than 
forty years of crusading, North Carolina and Tennessee had 
acquired a park of 463,000 acres which cost nearly $12,000,- 
000. The Great Smokies, generally covered by a blue-gray 
haze resembling smoke, contained innumerable natural phe- 
nomena and beauties that were made easily accessible by 
trails and roads built with the aid of the Civilian Conserva- 
tion Corps. As a tourist attraction, the park surpassed even 
the wildest dreams of its original sponsors. Within a decade 
after its establishment, the Great Smoky Mountains National 
Park was being visited by almost 2,000,000 people annually, 
making the "last of the Eastern wilderness the most popular 
national park in America." 64 

63 Congressional Record, Seventy-Fifth Congress, Third Session, 
LXXXIII, 1,412-1,422; A. Hall Johnston to J. C. B. Ehringhaus, August 23, 
1933, Governor's Papers; The Asheville Citizen, November 26, 1933; Bien- 
nial Report of the Attorney General^ 1982-193U, 99; Edgar Dixon (ed.), 
Franklin D. Roosevelt and Conservation (Hyde Park, 1957), II, 32; "The 
Great Smoky Mountains National Park," Science, XCII (September 6, 
1940), 212-214. 

64 The News and Observer, September 1, 3, 1940; Travel Statistics: Great 
Smoky Mountains National Park (Gatlinburg, Tennessee: 1956), 1-2; the 
Asheville Citizen-Times, March 26, 1950; Ross Holman, "The Great 
Smokies: America's Most Popular Park," Travel, XCI (October, 1948), 
18-21; North Callahan, Smoky Mountain Country (New York, 1952), 214- 
220. The total number of visitors for 1959 was 3,162,318, slightly less than 
for 1958. Since 1952 the annual number of visitors has exceeded 3,000,000. 


By George H. Gibson* 

Part II 

Having annexed Texas by joint resolution in 1845 and ac- 
quired New Mexico and California by the Mexican War, 1846- 
1848, expansionists of the United States began to look with 
longing eyes toward Central America and Cuba. In fact, the 
United States had taken a possessive attitude toward Cuba 
from the early days of the nineteenth century. 

American statesmen recognized the importance of Cuba 
to the United States as early as 1808 when Thomas Jefferson's 
cabinet put itself on record as being strongly opposed to 
Cuba's going to either Britain or France. When James Mon- 
roe announced his famous Doctrine, the United States did not 
commit itself against acquiring Cuba nor was it ready to 
acknowledge any European interest in the island other than 
that of Spain. In 1823 when a British fleet appeared in the 
Caribbean and again in 1825 when a French squadron ap- 
peared there, the United States protested that it would not 
under any contingency whatsoever allow Cuba to be a part 
of any European empire other than Spain. In 1840 and 1843 
the American Secretaries of State assured the Spanish govern- 
ment that in case of any attempt to wrest control of Cuba 
from Spain the United States would use its military and naval 
forces to preserve or recover it. 

American policy toward Cuba had thus become stabilized. 
The United States was content to see Cuba remain a posses- 
sion of Spain, but would resist by force its transfer to any 
European or even American power. 

Cuba contains 44,218 square miles of land and is about the 
same size as the State of Pennsylvania. In 1845 it had a popu- 
lation of 1,400,000 people of whom 610,000 were white, 
600,000 were slaves, and 110,000 were free Negroes, and 

* Mr. George H. Gibson is a Danforth Fellow and a graduate student 
in United States History at the University of North Carolina, Chapel 


186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

others were of mixed blood. Its imports totaled $32,000,000 
and its exports amount to $28,000,000. 

Cuba, the Pearl of the Antilles, lies only 113 miles from 
the continental United States. At the geographic crossroads 
of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico, Cuba dominates 
the two entrances to the Gulf. Controlled by a strong foreign 
power Cuba could be made into a Gibraltar, threatening 
Caribbean communications of the United States, bottling 
Gulf ports, threatening control of an isthmian route which 
was increasingly important with the acquisition of California, 
and closing the mouth of the Mississippi River. Havana be- 
came a port of call for ships engaged in trade with California 
and Oregon. 

The island had its greatest significance for slaveholders 
who needed Cuba as a source of slaves and as an area into 
which they might expand the plantation-staple crop agricul- 
tural system and as a source of political power. Southerners 
feared that Spain might free the slaves and establish a Negro 

Belief in manifest destiny became pronounced and was of 
national importance. A Richmond newspaper declared that 
one would expect that "the public stomach was gorged with 
the spoils of Mexico, and the body politic was reposed like 
an anaconda after a full meal," instead the United States was 
in the position of an ass between two bundles of hay- 
Canada and Cuba— not knowing which one to nibble on 
first. 57 

Until the coming of James Knox Polk to the presidency in 
1845, the government of the United States was content to 
wait and obtain Cuba if Spain should relinquish it. By the 
end of the Mexican War in 1848, the economic, geographic, 
and strategic advantages were irresistible and the United 
States clearly abandoned its defensive and protective foreign 
policy and adopted a policy of outright acquisition. The 
question of acquiring Cuba had now become the necessity of 
acquiring Cuba. 

57 Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, September 1, 1849, quot- 
ing the Richmond Republican, n.d. The first mentioned paper will herein- 
after be cited as the Raleigh Register. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 187 

In 1848 there was a possibility that Great Britain or France 
would seize Cuba from Spain as security for huge Spanish 
debts. There was chaos in Cuba and political confusion in 
Spain. President Polk, bitten by the spirit of manifest destiny, 
authorized Romulus Mitchell Saunders, United States minis- 
ter to Spain, to open negotiations with the Spanish govern- 
ment to purchase Cuba for $100,000,000. The Spanish 
government replied, however, that rather than see the 
island transferred to any power, it would prefer seeing it 
sunk in the ocean. These negotiations were not made known 
to the American people until April, 1849, when Thomas C. 
Reynolds was released from his job as Secretary of the 
American Legation in Madrid and issued a public statement. 
Reynolds described the Minister to Spain as incompetent and 
disclosed that he had made an attempt to purchase Cuba. 

The Whig Raleigh Register called the purchase try a deep 
scheme and an intrigue. 58 The Hillsborough Recorder urged 
its readers not to let the United States fall into the pattern of 
British foreign policy which had duped and wheedled Great 
Britain into the expensive, ruinous, and troublesome habit 
of seizing bits of territory and garrisoning little rocks and 
islands all over the world. 59 

The North Carolina Standard, a. Democratic newspaper, 
said Reynolds was petty and malicious in criticizing Saunders 
for having no knowledge of the Spanish language and mak- 
ing numerous visits to the pleasure palaces of France; how- 
ever, it did not defend the Democratic administration's at- 
tempt to purchase Cuba. 60 

The official correspondence between Spain and the United 
States was released to the public in November, 1852. The 
Salisbury Carolina Watchman asked where Polk had got the 
constitutional authority to spend $100,000,000 for Cuba. 61 
Decrying the "one man government" of Polk, the Register 
bitterly condemned Polk's effects to purchase Cuba. It asked, 
"First Cuba; then the Sandwich Islands; then Canada! When 
shall we end?" 62 

68 Raleigh Register, April 4, 1849. 

59 Hillsborough Recorder, April 25, 1849. 

60 North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), April 11, 1849, hereinafter cited 
as Standard. 

81 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), December 9, 1852, hereinafter cited 
as Carolina Watchman. 

83 Raleigh Register, December 1, 1852. 

188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Whigs, alerted by the rebuff President Polk had re- 
ceived from the Spanish government, made no attempt to 
acquire Cuba during the presidency of Zachary Taylor. The 
Whig policy was to let Cuba remain in the possession of 
Spain, to oppose the transfer of Cuban sovereignty to a 
foreign power, and to refuse to commit the United States to 
any self-denial of Cuba for the future. 

Willie Person Mangum, a Whig Senator from North Caro- 
lina, expressed the opinion of his State in a speech before the 
Senate when he stated that he was opposed to any powerful 
nation's holding Cuba and desired it to remain free. 63 

Partisan newspaper editors of both parties showed no in- 
terest in the proposal to acquire Cuba by purchase. Few com- 
ments or opinions of political figures in North Carolina were 
reported in the newspapers, and no references to the subject 
have been found in their correspondence. It must be con- 
cluded that North Carolinians viewed the acquisition of 
Cuba by purchase without interest. 

Meanwhile, proslavery southern expansionists did not give 
up their ambition to acquire Cuba as a slave State. They be- 
lieved their destiny was intertwined with that of Cuba, for 
if slave institutions perished there they would perish in the 
South. The federal government was distracted by the slavery 
question and could not act, thus it was the responsibility of 
expansionists to act as individuals. The sequence of revolu- 
tion, independence, annexation established by the acquisi- 
tion of Texas set an example by which southern expansionists 
hoped to acquire Cuba. 

Some Cuban whites said they would prefer annexation by 
the United States to Spanish misrule or government under a 
British protectorate. They feared the abolition of slavery and 
felt that the institution of slavery in Cuba would be safer 
if joined to the slaveholding republic to the North. 

Into this situation stepped General Narciso Lopez, a weal- 
thy Venezuelan who joined the Spanish army in Colombia 
and served as an officer in Spain and Cuba. Lopez planned 

63 Congressional Globe, Thirtieth Congress, First Session (Washington, 
D. C: Blair and Rives, 1848), XVIII, 893, hereinafter cited as Congres- 
sional Globe. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 189 

to land on Cuba in force, summon the Cubans to freedom, 
declare the island independent, and offer it to the United 
States. He was encouraged by those who believed the Ameri- 
can government would not act to acquire Cuba but would 
not oppose individuals who led such a movement and would 
accept Cuba if she asked for annexation. He appealed to 
Mexican War veterans who believed in manifest destiny and 
who were lured by the promise of lavish rewards. Lopez be- 
came the instrument of revolt in Cuba and the tool of slavery 
expansionists in America. 

Lopez led an unsuccessful revolt in Cuba and went to 
New York City in 1849 to recruit an army to free Cuba. The 
filibustering venture collapsed, however, when federal rev- 
enue officers seized two ships which Lopez had fitted out for 
the expedition. 

President Zachary Taylor issued a proclamation ordering 
officers of the government to arrest persons engaged in armed 
expeditions to invade Cuba and declaring that American 
citizens engaging in such activities would forfeit the right of 
protection by the United States. The Standard declared that 
it had heard nothing of the filibustering venture and scoffed 
at the proclamation: 

Our public spirited marshal, the District Attorney, and all 
Uncle Sam's postmasters will please take notice. If any warlike 
"expeditions" should be on foot in Raleigh . . . with the view of 
invading Cuba . . . they will simply cause the same to come to 
a dead stop ; and all Constables, Sheriffs, Auctioneers, Standard- 
keepers, County Rangers, Wardens of the Poor, and Common 
School Commissioners are hereby requested to give them "aid 
and comfort" in so doing. 64 

From reports in exchange newspapers and information in 
private letters, the Register had heard of the enterprise and 
condemned the "illegal design against the peace and dignity 
of a neighboring and friendly government." 65 

Frustrated in New York, Lopez moved to New Orleans 
where persons friendly to his cause were more numerous. 
With the help of Governor Quitman of Mississippi and the 

™ Standard, August 22, 1849. 

" Raleigh Register, August 18, 1849. 

190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

editor of the New Orleans Delta, General Lopez with 750 
veterans left New Orleans in April, 1850, ostensibly for the 
Isthmus of Panama and the gold fields of California. They 
landed at Cardenas, Cuba, in May and proclaimed a revolt. 
The populace refused to join Lopez, and he fled to the Florida 
keys closely pursued by Spanish war vessels. 

The Carolina Watchman indignantly stated that if the 
Spanish had captured and executed every one of the invaders, 
no one could have justly complained. 66 The Hillsborough 
Recorder declared it was opposed to acquiring territory by 
theft. 67 The Register exclaimed that the revolutionizers de- 
served the fate of pirates. 68 Hugh Waddell, former lieutenant 
governor of North Carolina, and Frederick Nash, Justice of 
the North Carolina Supreme Court, deprecated the action of 
Lopez and the Mexican War veterans. 69 Abraham Watkins 
Venable, a Democratic Representative in Congress from 
North Carolina, declared in the House of Representatives, 
". . . to acquire the possession of Cuba by creating or foster- 
ing a revolution there. ... Of such a system of intervention 
I cannot approve." 70 

But Lopez was not finished. Plans were set in motion in 
April, 1851, to start a new expedition. The ship "Cleopatra" 
was to leave New York loaded with supplies, pick up volun- 
teers at Savannah and New Orleans, and then go to Cuba. 
Federal authorities seized the "Cleopatra" in New York 
harbor and sixty-three volunteers were stranded in Savannah. 

The Standard, often fiercely opposed to the views of its 
political rival the Register, made it clear that there was no 
real difference between the papers on the issue of taking 
Cuba by force. The Standard pointed out the proximity of 
Cuba to the United States, the value of Cuban sugar produc- 
tion, and the commercial advantages that could be realized 
by linking the United States and Cuba, but hastened to add: 

We trust, however, that it will never be attempted by other 

66 Carolina Watchman, June 27, 1850. 

w Hillsborough Recorder, June 19, 1850. 

68 Raleigh Register, June 19, 1850. 

69 Hugh Waddell to William Alexander Graham, October 24, 1850, and 
Frederick Nash to Graham, April 24, 1851, William A. Graham Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

70 Congressional Globe, Thirty-Second Congress, Second Session, XXVI, 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 191 

than honorable means; that neither ambition nor cupidity shall 
urge our citizens to the violation of international law and good 
faith in the premises, and that the distinction between the sys- 
tematic invasion of the peaceful territory of a friendly nation, 
and the rendering of disinterested aid to a people endeavoring 
by revolution to effect their political emancipation, may be 
strictly observed. 71 

Undaunted, General Narciso Lopez led a fourth expedi- 
tion to Cuba. Second in command was Colonel William L. 
Crittenden, nephew of the Attorney General of the United 
States. Lopez landed sixty miles from Havana in August, 
1851, expecting to be joined by Spanish and Cuban patriots. 
None appeared. A force under the leadership of Colonel 
Crittenden was quickly defeated. Crittenden and fifty south- 
ern volunteers were publicly executed. Another force led by 
General Lopez wandered among the mountains for two weeks 
before being captured without shelter, food, arms, or am- 
munition. Lopez was executed by a strangling device called 
a garrote. About 135 of his men were tried and sentenced to 
ten years of hard labor in Spain. They were later pardoned. 

The Standard labeled the men as misguided adventurers. 72 
The Register editorialized that by engaging in the expedition 
in contravention of the laws and treaty obligation of the 
United States the men deserved the punishment they receiv- 
ed. The movement failed completely and the Queen of the 
Antilles remained "within the clutches of Spain— a diamond, 
indeed, in the forehead of a toad." 73 

Lopez and his adventuresome war veterans were roundly 
condemned in the editorial columns of the North Carolina 
press and in the private letters of North Carolina citizens. 
There was sympathy for Cuba in its struggle against Spanish 
misrule and encouragement for Cuban independence, but 
there was no indication that North Carolina listened to the 
lusty cries of deep South expansionists in their quest for 
annexation of Cuba to the United States by filibuster. 

Franklin Pierce, a Democrat, was elected president in 1852, 
and as the Wilmington Journal put it, "The Democratic party 

71 Standard, May 7, 1851. 

72 Standard, August 27, 1851. 

73 Raleigh Register, August 27, 1851. 

192 The North Carolina Historical Review 

is a Cuba acquiring party." 74 In his inaugural address Pierce 
declared that his administration would not be controlled by 
any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. The President 
followed his address by naming ardent expansionists to Euro- 
pean diplomatic posts. 

Thwarted in their attempts to acquire Cuba by purchase 
and filibuster, Cubamongers now sought to obtain the island 
by forcing the United States into a war with Spain. Thinking 
the Democratic administration would support a war, the 
manifest destinists endeavored to create a cause for hostili- 

On February 28, 1854, the "Black Warrior," a steamer en- 
gaged in trade between Mobile and New York, sailed into 
Havana harbor and listed its manifest as ballast as it had done 
thirty-odd times before. Each time the Cuban authorities 
knew this ship and many others like it were loaded with 
cotton and did nothing about it, but the Spanish government 
was bitter over the filibustering expeditions and issued an 
order that shipping regulations would be strictly enforced. 
The "Black Warrior" was seized and the owners were fined 

A New York paper screamed, "No ambassadors, or diplo- 
matic notes are needed. Let them simply fit out . . . three or 
four war steamers, and despatch them to Cuba, with peremp- 
tory orders to obtain satisfaction for the injury done to the 
'Black Warrior/ " 75 On March 15, Pierce sent a special mes- 
sage to Congress stating that satisfaction appropriate to the 
magnitude of the offense would be demanded. A clamor for 
war with Spain broke out among expansionists in Congress. 

The Cuban port authorities released the ship on March 16, 
remitted the $6,000 fine, and paid damages of $53,000 to 
the owners. The authorities stated they made a technical 
error in not giving the ship's captain a twelve-hour notice to 
file a corrected manifest. 

North Carolina reacted to the "Black Warrior" affair with 
her accustomed unconcern. The Fayetteville Observer de- 
clared: "There is said to be much excitement among Havana 
merchants regarding this unjustifiable seizure— though why 

74 Wilmington Journal, November 25, 1852. 
76 New York Herald, March 9, 1854. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 193 

it should be unjustifiable we cannot see. The very same thing 
would have been done, we suppose, under like circumstances, 
in any port of the United States." 76 The Standard said, "Well, 
we shall all have an opportunity to inculcate the virtue of 

, . "77 

patience. ... 

Noting the hue and cry for war with Spain that emanated 
from American expansionists, the Register explained, ". . . 
not all the crimes of the Spanish race could palliate the wrong 
which would be committed, if a powerful government like 
the United States should seize upon the most valuable posses- 
sion of the feeble and dilapidated kingdom of Spain/' 78 The 
Hillsborough Recorder hoped that the administration would 
not give the least countenance to cries for war. 79 

In August, 1854, Secretary of State William Learned Marcy 
arranged a meeting among three European ambassadors for 
October in Ostend, Belgium, to exchange opinions about ac- 
quiring Cuba and to report their conclusions in a dispatch to 
the State Department. The dispatch suggested that the United 
States ought to try to buy Cuba for not more than $130,000, 
000 and if Cuba were not for sale the United States would 
be justified in seizing the island. 

The correspondence which was published in March, 1855, 
aroused northern feeling and intensified Spanish resentment 
of the administration's annexation policy. The Recorder sum- 
marized North Carolina editorial opinion when it condemned 
the "arrogant, meddling, dictatorial spirit toward domestic 
affairs of feeble friendly countries." 80 

In March, 1855, a Spanish warship fired two shots across 
the bow of an American mail ship bound for Cuba and 
demanded to see the ship's papers. The "El Dorado" was 
allowed to sail on. In April, 1855, the "Daniel Webster" was 
involved in a similar affair near the harbor of San Juan, 
Puerto Rico. A small cry was heard that the United States 
ought to go to war to avenge another outrage and make the 
Spanish behave themselves. The Recorder expressed the o- 

pinion that the Spanish ship had every right to stop the "El 

i , i ... 

76 Fayetteville Observer, March 13, 1854. 

77 Standard, March 18, 1854. 

78 Raleigh Register, March 18, 1854. 

70 Hillsborough Recorder, March 22, 1854. 
60 Hillsborough Recorder, March 14, 1855. 

194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dorado" and ask for identification. It stated that the United 
States was too sensitive and looking for insults. 81 

North Carolinians did not respond favorably to the proposi- 
tion of southern expansionists to acquire Cuba by forcing a 
war with Spain. If war had come, it would have been as a 
result of enlarging minor incidents into major insults. North 
Carolina editors did not report these incidents in inflamma- 
tory language nor describe them on a disproportionate scale. 
North Carolina did not beat the war drums for a war with 
Spain to acquire Cuba but roundly condemned those who 

From 1835 to 1855 southern slaveholders and northern ex- 
pansionists agitated for the acquisition of Cuba by the United 
States either by purchase, filibuster, or threat of war. North 
Carolina and North Carolinians were not parties to these 
activities but condemned those who would acquire Cuba 
by any of those means. 

The Whig and the Democratic party county and state 
conventions adopted no resolutions favoring the acquisition 
of Cuba, nor did the General Assembly of North Carolina. 
Few speeches made in the course of public celebrations, 
such as the Fourth of July, contain references to Cuba. News- 
paper editors commented on the Cuban question only when 
provoked by situations such as the Lopez expeditions and 
the "Black Warrior" affair. Statements of North Carolina's 
elected officials in Congress were few in number and reserv- 
ed in manner concerning the Pearl of the Antilles. Only list- 
less comments regarding Cuban affairs can be extracted from 
the correspondence of North Carolina's citizens. All of these 
points affirm the position that the acquisition of Cuba was 
of little interest to North Carolinians during the period 1835 
to 1855. 

From 1835 to 1855, North Carolina was a provincial, sec- 
tional, conservative, nativistic, and rural State less involved 
with the staple crop-plantation-slavery regime than any other 
State having a large number of slaves. Some explanation of 
North Carolina's reaction to the movements for the acquisi- 

81 Hillsborough Recorder, March 28, 1855. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 195 

tion of Texas and Cuba may be reached through an analysis 
of these conditions. 

North Carolina was divided into three major and three 
minor provinces. The three major provinces were the Coastal 
Plain which extended from the Atlantic Ocean to the river 
fall line, the Piedmont which lay between the fall line and 
the mountains, and the Mountain region which nestled among 
the Blue Ridge and the Great Smoky Mountains. Three minor 
regions were economically allied with other States. Several 
counties in the northeast corner of the State were a part of 
the Norfolk economic orbit. Three counties bordering on Vir- 
ginia in the center of the State were agriculturally connected 
with Virginia as tobacco growers. Mecklenburg and several 
adjoining counties bordering on South Carolina were closely 
allied with the cotton culture of that State. Provincially di- 
vided as it was, North Carolina lacked State pride and a 
sense of State identification. 

A further cause of provincialism was inadequate transpor- 
tation and communication. The State had no adequate com- 
mercial outlet to salt water, and the rivers were shallow, 
shifting, and unsuited for navigation. There was not a suit- 
able all-weather road in the State, and numerous toll gates, 
bridges, and ferries made travel expensive. During winter 
months several Mountain and Piedmont counties could main- 
tain communications only through South Carolina towns. A 
trip by stagecoach from Raleigh to Rutherfordton, a distance 
of about 210 miles, took three days and three nights stopping 
to change horses. North Carolina was slow in developing 
railroad transportation and in 1850 had only 249 miles of 
track. A British traveler reported from Greensboro, "The 
settlers in this part of North Carolina seem to be quiet, old- 
fashioned people, content with little, and not at all disposed 
to trouble themselves with the mania of internal improve- 
ments." 82 Private correspondence of the period is filled with 
references to long delays in receiving mail, and newspaper 
editors repeatedly apologized to their subscribers that their 
papers failed to reach them because of transportation dif- 

82 George William Featherstonhaugh, Excursion Through the Slave States 
(London: J. Murray, 2 volumes, 1844), II, 359-360. 

196 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

Acuities. The State was isolated both internally and externally. 

Geographic divisions and transportation restrictions re- 
sulted in provincialism and fostered the growth of prejudice, 
narrowness, and the continuation of practices already out- 
moded in more enlightened neighborhoods. 

Sectionalism in North Carolina was based on an economic 
and political division of the State into East and West. The 
East engaged in diversified farming but placed greater re- 
liance on staple crop agriculture than any other portion of 
the State. Rice was grown in the Cape Fear River area, es- 
pecially Brunswick, New Hanover, and Columbus counties. 
Tobacco was raised in Granville, Warren, and Franklin coun- 
ties, while cotton production was prevalent from Halifax and 
Northampton counties to the south. In addition to the rice- 
tobacco-cotton counties of the Coastal Plain, two other eco- 
nomic areas may be considered eastern. These two areas were 
Caswell, Rockingham, and Person counties which produced 
tobacco and Mecklenburg, Anson, and Richmond counties 
which raised cotton. The development of staple crop agricul- 
ture in North Carolina was not so complete as in the lower 

The plantation-slavery system was not of any great im- 
portance in the West. The Piedmont raised corn, cereals, 
grasses, and small amounts of cotton. Staple crops were not 
grown in the Piedmont because the soil was infertile and 
the means of transportation were inadequate for the move- 
ment of agricultural products. Yeoman farmers, raising grain 
and livestock, dominated the area. The Mountain region was 
sparsely settled, undeveloped, and devoted chiefly to the 
production of food for family consumption. The farms were 
isolate, self-sufficient, and unimproved. Also economically 
similar were the northeastern counties of the State which 
because of soil conditions produced grain crops. The in- 
fertile, sandy soil of the counties bordering on the Albemarle 
and Pamlico sounds made this area unfit for staple crop agri- 
culture also. 

From the founding of North Carolina, the staple crop coun- 
ties of the Coastal Plain dominated State politics and had a 
larger proportional representation in the State legislature 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 197 

than the rest of the state. In 1835 a constitutional convention 
revised the State Constitution. The Whig Party championed 
the cause of the under-represented sections of the State. The 
new constitution established representation in the Senate 
based on public taxes and representation in the House of 
Commons based on federal population. From 1835 to 1850 
the Whigs were gratefully supported by those who benefited 
from the democratic revision of the State constitution. The 
Democrats gained the support of these people in 1850 with 
the democratic reform of abolishing ownership of fifty acres 
of land as a voting requirement for State senator. 

The terms East and West do not bear absolute directional 
denotations. The East is defined as that area where staple 
crop agriculture, slave labor force, plantation management, 
and Democratic voting were prevalent. The West is defined 
as the area where diversified agriculture, yeoman farmers, 
owner management, and Whig voting were prevalent. The 
sectional struggle between East and West based on economic 
and political differences contributed materially to the back- 
ward and undeveloped character of the State. 

North Carolinians were a conservative people inclined to 
follow in the steps of their forefathers. Generally North Caro- 
linians believed in a strict construction of the constitution. 
This belief was repeated time and again by political spokes : 
men of both parties. The State was slow to change and slow 
to adopt new methods and concepts. North Carolina was 
slow in providing care for unfortunates, slow in building a 
penitentiary, and slow in developing a public school system. 
In 1850, for example, North Carolina spent for public educa- 
tion $1.25 per child of school age, whereas the combined 
slaveholding States averaged $5.09 per child. The illiteracy 
rate among whites over twenty years of age was twenty-nine 
per cent and the largest in the South. 83 When Frederick Law 
Olmsted visited the State in 1856, he remarked, "North Caro- 
lina has a proverbial reputation for the ignorance and tor- 
pidity of her people; being, in this respect, at the head of the 

83 James Dunwoody Brownson DeBow, Statistical View of the United 
States . . . being a Compendium of the Seventh Census (Washington: A. P. 
Nicholson, 1854), 143, 145, hereinafter cited as Debow, Seventh Census. 

198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Slave States." 84 The yeoman farmers who composed the vast 
majority of North Carolinians were intensely individualistic 
and strongly conservative. 

The more capable and enterprising people became dissat- 
isfied with conservatism in North Carolina and moved away 
from the State to seek advancement and enrichment where 
opportunities were greater. Before the Civil War, North 
Carolina gained fewer citizens by immigration and lost more 
by emigration than any other State in the Union. North Caro- 
lina's white population grew from 472,843 in 1830 to 484,870 
in 1840. This was an increase of only 12,000 persons in ten 
years. By 1850 the white population was 553,028. In total 
population North Carolina fell from fifth to tenth State be- 
tween 1830 and 1850. 85 

The demerits of conservatism were compounded by the 
restrictions of nativism. In North Carolina in 1850, 95.74 per 
cent of the citizens had been born in the State. No other 
State had so high a percentage of native-born citizens. 86 De- 
nied the insights, ideas, and enthusiasm of new personalities, 
North Carolina was stifled by inbreeding. 

The 1850 census revealed that North Carolina had ten towns 
with a thousand or more population. The largest was Wil- 
mington with 7,264 and yet Wilmington was only the sixtieth 
largest town in the nation. 87 Population density in North Caro- 
lina was 17.14 per square mile. 88 Social life was necessarily 
restricted because of isolation, poor roads, and slow means 
of communication. North Carolina was a village State suf- 
fering from ruralism. 

North Carolina was less involved in the plantation-slavery- 
staple crop agriculture regime than any other South Atlantic 
State. In 1850, North Carolina farms averaged 369 acres in 
size compared with the national average of 203 acres, but 
the average value of a North Carolina farm was only $1,261 
compared with the national average of $2,362 and the slave- 

84 Frederick Law Olmsted, A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New 
York: Mason Brothers, 1863), 366, hereinafter cited as Olmsted, Journey 
in the Slave States. 

85 DeBow, Seventh Census, 45, 46. 

86 DeBow, Seventh Census, 61. 

87 DeBow Seventh Census, 338-393. 

88 DeBow, Seventh Census, 40. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 199 

holding State average of $2,270. 89 Her farms were worn out 
and unproductive. In 1850, 26.8 per cent of all the white 
families in the State owned slaves. Only three per cent of the 
families in North Carolina owned twenty slaves or more. 
Fewer white families in North Carolina owned slaves than in 
any other South Atlantic State. 90 In 1850 North Carolina pro- 
duced five per cent of the national tobacco crop, two per cent 
of the national rice crop, and two per cent of the national 
cotton crop. 91 North Carolina agriculture tended more toward 
self-sufficiency and less toward commercial planting than any 
other slaveholding State. 

Historians generally, and northern ones especially, attribute 
the poverty of the South to the plantation-slavery-staple crop 
agriculture regime. Yet North Carolina relied less on this 
regime than any other southern State and was the poorest 
and most backward of any of them. North Carolina's poverty 
stemmed from a lack of cash crops and industry. Most citizens 
were yeoman farmers living on subsistence homesteads. They 
had little to sell and therefore had little cash. With cash 
money they could have afforded to increase their standard 
of living and could have afforded to pay taxes for State im- 
provements and services. 

Another characteristic peculiar to North Carolina was its 
attitude toward the institution of slavery. Because North Caro- 
lina relied less on the plantation-slavery regime than any 
other South Atlantic State, it is not surprising that anti-slavery 
sentiment lingered longest in North Carolina. Anti-slavery 
sentiment declined in the South in the 1830's and largely 
disappeared after 1840; however, it did not die out as swift- 
ly or completely in North Carolina as in the rest of the South. 
The large Quaker settlement in North Carolina with its solid 
stand against slavery perpetuated anti-slavery feelings in 
the State. The American Colonization Society maintained an 
active organization in North Carolina through 1836, and in 
1840 a Society agent reported continued growth of sentiment 
favorable to emancipation if followed by removal. The Man- 
umission Society once had over two thousand members in 

89 DeBow, Seventh Census, 169. 

90 DeBow, Seventh Census, 95. 

91 DeBow, Seventh Census, 173, 174. 

200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina. In 1837 the editor of the Asheboro Southern 
Citizen answered a question raised by the Western Carolin- 
ian by stating, "We are asked ... If we are not opposed to 
slavery?' Yes, Mr. Carolinian, we are unequivocally so." 92 Ex- 
cept for a few months in 1835, fear of abolition was at a low 
ebb in North Carolina until two abolitionist ministers were 
arrested in 1850 for distributing inflammatory literature. One 
was found guilty and elected to leave the State. The other 
was acquitted but left the State after another similar incident. 
Abolition fear again quieted down and when Olmsted visited 
North Carolina in 1856 he remarked, "The aspect in North 
Carolina with regard to slavery is less lamentable than that of 
Virginia. There is . . . less bigotry upon the subject and more 
freedom of conversation. This is the result of less concentra- 
tion of wealth in families or individuals." 93 The economic, 
social, and political forces of the western counties made them 
less friendly to slavery than the eastern counties; and as one 
writer stated, "Of all the region of the later Confederacy, that 
which lay in these counties was very probably the strongest 
in anti-slavery sentiment." 94 

Having noted some characteristics peculiar to North Caro- 
lina during the period 1835 to 1855, let us see how these 
characteristics may have influenced opinion in North Caro- 
lina regarding the acquisition of Texas and Cuba. 

Provincialism affected opinion. North Carolina was a land- 
locked, agricultural province isolated externally and internal- 
ly. North Carolinians did not know what was on the other 
side of the mountain, in the next county, or around the bend 
in the river. It would have been unnatural for these introvert- 
ed people to have been deeply concerned with the affairs of 
a Mexican province or a Spanish island. 

Sectionalism affected opinion. When the Democrats and 
the East created a political issue with the Texas question, the 
Whigs and the West were against it. Probably neither party 
had any fundamental interest in Texas. It was merely a mo- 
mentary issue about which they could disagree. The Cuban 

82 Southern Citizen (Asheboro), May 25, 1837. 
03 Olmsted, Journey in the Slave States, 367. 

94 John Spencer Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina (Balti- 
more: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1898), 10. 

Acquisition of Texas and Cuba 201 

question never got into State politics and so there was no 
disagreement, just disinterest. 

Conservatism affected opinion. North Carolinians were 
slow to change their patterns of living and thinking and 
looked with apathy or disapproval on new ideas. To acquire 
Texas or Cuba would be an irregular procedure and North 
Carolinians were not enthusiastic about change. Generally 
they were strict constructionists and there was serious doubt 
in their minds as to the constitutionality of acquiring Texas 
and Cuba. 

Annexation was an issue born of slaveholders, perpetuated 
by planters, and consummated by the plantation-slavery re- 
gime. The initiative and leadership in the struggle to acquire 
Texas and Cuba lay unquestionably with those who had the 
most to gain by the continuation of the plantation-slavery sys- 
tem. North Carolina had less to gain by the continuation of 
the system than any other southern State and, therefore, had 
less enthusiasm for the acquisition of Texas and Cuba. 

From 1835 to 1855 North Carolina was not fundamentally 
interested in the acquisition of Texas and Cuba because North 
Carolina was provincial, sectional, and conservative and had 
less to gain by the continuation of the plantation-slavery sys- 
tem than any other slaveholding State. 






The fifty-ninth annual session of the North Carolina Liter- 
ary and Historical Association, held at the Hotel Sir Walter 
in Raleigh, December 4, 1959, was well attended. The var- 
ious papers seemed to be of unusually high quality and a- 
roused a great deal of favorable comment. A few weeks pre- 
viously, on November 1, the one-hundredth anniversary of 
the birth of Charles Brantley Aycock, the restored birthplace 
of Aycock in Wayne County had been opened to the public 
and dedicated with appropriate ceremonies. Since the chief 
purpose and development of Aycock's administration as Gov- 
ernor, 1901-1905, had been in the field of public education, 
so this was the major but not the exclusive theme of the 
several meetings of the Association. Every one of the papers 
that was presented is included in the pages that follow. 


By Henry Belk* 

"Men did not love Rome because she was great: Rome was 
great because men loved her." 

Keep that quotation in your minds, please, as we get on 
with this informal discussion. 

Recently I imposed grievously on a number of my friends. 
I asked them to suggest a 10-year plan for North Carolina. I 
asked them to build their plan on Charles Brantley Aycock's 
dream for North Carolina. Expressed entirely too succinctly 
that dream was universal education, equal opportunity, the 
necessity for the strong to protect the weak; and this was his 
theme song: ". . . the right of every child to have the op- 
portunity to burgeon out all that is within him." 

It seemed to me eminently fitting that upon the 100th 
anniversary of the birth of the great educational governor we 
should turn to his ideals and his faith for a foundation upon 
which to build brighter tomorrows for all the people. 

The response to the appeal for help was far greater than I 
had any reason to expect. For that request went to some of 
the busiest men in North Carolina. Each man who was asked 
to help is recognized far beyond his home borders. There 
are among them men of the cloth, of the schools, of politics, 
of banking, of editing, the drama; I sought to represent all 
the main segments of our economy. 

That 25 men responded, is a surprise. Others wrote that 
due to age or illness, or infirmities, or special tasks they could 
not at once put down required that they say no to the invita- 

These leaders responded because they love North Caro- 
lina and dearly and intimately desire to see her advance. 

The plan, be it said, was not entirely to my liking. Quick 
plans that fit into easy compartments all too often, I fear, 
reflect a too current tendency of the day. Such devices smack 
too much of the easy way, the gimmick, and the haste which 
characterizes so much of our living. 

* Mr. Henry Belk is the Editor of the Goldsboro News-Argus, Goldsboro. 


204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lest this weakness defeat the purpose, I asked that the 
authors be not too bound by the format. Write out of your 
heart and your knowledge and your conviction, I asked them. 

It was to be expected since education under Aycock and his 
intimates gave North Carolina its great push forward fifty 
years ago, that education should be the emphasis of most of 
the replies and the one central core of a large percentage of 

But what of education? 

Let us not make the mistake of accepting as a fact that 
education is dependent mainly upon buildings and facilities 
and laboratories, spic and span, and gymnasiums, lunch- 
rooms, playgrounds. 

Does it ever seem to you that in all our worshipping of 
education and schools, our homage to it, we may miss the 
heart and the core? 

There must be first that desire and urge, and if compulsion, 
so much the better, to take and make our own this oppor- 
tunity Aycock so beautifully phrased as the "right to bur- 
geon out." 

We must somehow plant that seed in the hearts of the 
parents, and they in turn will plant it in the hearts of their 

"Make the high school diploma stand for something," urged 
one member of a school board in her own home community. 

All right, let's make it count for something. But the place 
to start is in the home with the parents. 

For the parents set the pattern. The schools give to the 
children what the parents demand. 

If the school has so many extracurricular activities that 
there is not enough time for reading, writing, and arithmetic, 
that is the case because the community has desired such a 

How often do you hear of such cases as this? 

A teacher begins her work in a school. She demands qual- 
ity and performance. She, or he, will not allow the child to 
"get by" on little or no preparation or on shoddy work. She 
demands discipline and the regular and satisfactory per- 
formance of assignments and lessons. 

A Ten- Year Plan for North Carolina 205 

The word goes the rounds that So and So is a "hard teach- 
er." Presently there are murmurings among the parents a- 
gainst her. She is requiring too much. She is demanding of 
the child so much more than So and So. The murmurings 
grow louder. There are complaints to principals, and in a 
couple of years a good teacher is lost to the system. 

Education is the cornerstone today as in Aycock's time but 
how wantonly we as a people waste millions of dollars. Ay- 
cock pointed with pride to the fact that during his adminis- 
tration State expenditure per child reached the magnificent 
sum of $1.51 per year. Last year the State's expenditure per 
child was $210.00 and North Carolina was far below the 
national average. 

We waste millions for schools, and it is no fault of the 
teachers, the principals, or the superintendents— it is our own 
fault by the casualness with which we regard the mere mat- 
ter of school attendance. There are too many instances when 
a child is not enrolled in school on the first day of the term. 
For some reason he is held out until the school is a week, or 
two weeks, or a month or more from the opening of the term. 

Or the child is allowed to stay out of school upon any pre- 
tended excuses; or there is not sufficient discipline in seeing 
that the child reaches school on time. 

In certain instances, the schools have dismissed for holidays 
or half-holidays upon too slim pretexts. 

In instances the practices of an earlier day are held over 
though the need which brought the practice in the begin- 
ning has long passed. An outstanding school administrator, re- 
plying to the 10-year plan query, said that short schedules 
at the beginning of the school year cheat the child of its full 
opportunity of instruction. The practice cheats the State and 
the patrons. 

Yet the patrons are often lending their endorsement or 
approval to such habits. 

We sorely need a change in the attitudes with reference to 
schooling of our children. 

We should build up an attitude which makes the parent 
who allows his child to miss school, to enroll late, to arrive 
tardy, feel the loss of face in his community. He should be 

206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

made to feel that he is subjecting the whole school to un- 
justified lowering of quality. The pressure of public opinion 
should make the behavior of such careless parents not ac- 
ceptable in the community. 

We, the school patrons, must accept a major share if not 
all of the blame for the misplaced emphasis which has grown 
up in our schools. If some high schools produce a low quality 
product we are largely to blame. 

We, the patrons, have organized, supported, campaigned 
for, and given extra money to support sports programs, bands 
with costly uniforms, and other activities which if executed 
within reason are desirable. But if carried to excess too many 
of these actual non-essentials to education can seriously in- 
terfere with the primary purpose, education. 

Look at the sports program in the larger high schools to- 
day. Their coaches and staffs are in numbers and in salaries in 
excess of what the average college afforded in the twenties. 
One man who keeps up with such things tells me that in his 
opinion the high school coach in one city draws $15,000 a 
year. Clubs and "foundations" of sports-minded individuals 
make this possible. 

We would make magnificent strides forward if we could 
organize and support scholarship and mental accomplish- 
ment with some enthusiasm and on the same level we de- 
vote to certain extracurricular activities. 

Why not make the A-grade students the really "big" people 
in the school? Why not so recognize students who distinguish 
themselves for top grades that they are as honored and as 
popular as "date bait" as the captains of the sports teams. 

Dr. Leo Jenkins has done some promoting of a plan which 
I hope will become one of general adoption in the State- 
that is to award scholarship letters to the high school students 
who average 90 or above. Make the presentation an event 
similar to the student assemblies in which athletic letters are 

Let me hasten to say that all is not dark, gloomy, or pes- 
simistic as regards our high schools. Veteran teachers tell me 
that in the past three years there has been a noticeable trend 
among the general student body to more serious application. 

A Ten- Year Plan for North Carolina 207 

Study and learning begin to have a higher place in the 
thinking of the boys and girls. 

One who submitted a plan for the State for the next few 
years observed that he doubted that North Carolinians to- 
day were any better educated for their time than were the 
Tar Heels of Aycock's day. When Aycock was setting the 
people afire for education, he was campaigning to teach all 
to read and write. The man of today for this day must have 
much more than the ability to sign his own name. Indeed 
today's housekeeper, encompassed about with gadgets, elec- 
tronics, and electricity must needs be an engineer to know 
rightly how to operate the gadgets. 

Any plan for any length ot time, let it be emphasized, must 
reach the people. The people must be touched of heart and 
understanding and comprehension. If the people be not reach- 
ed, the plan fails. 

We failed to reach the people with the story of the signi- 
ficance of historic sites' restorations in the bond election, and 
the bond vote for that purpose failed! 

Aycock's magic power with the people sprang primarily 
from the fact that he could reach them. He went among them 
with simple words of faith and hope and challenge. One re- 
reading his addresses comes to realize that his eloquent con- 
tact with the people in their own homes, in their own cross- 
roads, and farms helped mightily to establish his perpetual 

Were Aycock here today he would have a much more dif- 
ficult time in reaching the people. He would be contend- 
ing against the automobile that speeds people many miles in 
a short time, against the radio, against the TV. When he was 
going up and down North Carolina he was going among a 
people who had time and leisure to talk about their problems, 
to discuss and argue out the pro and con of situations. To 
reach the people today requires so much more than it did in 
Aycock's day. 

To reach the Baptists is not enough, as numerous as we 
are. To reach the civic club members is not enough. To reach 
the business man is not enough. We can't reach the people 
by the lecture, the interview, the press release, the panel dis- 
cussion, or the symposium. 

208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

To reach them we must go among them and know them. 
Consider the North Carolina Citizens Committee for Better 
Schools named by Governor Hodges almost three years ago. 
It has campaigned through today's accepted media for bet- 
ter schools. But it is sad to relate that by and large it has 
reached only those who already were sold on education and 
on the need adequately, from local and State sources, to fi- 
nance our schools. The lonely tenant, working out a meager 
living on a small farm, matching his brawn against the ma- 
chine's low-cost production, this man whose children must 
remain tenants if they are not educated, this man has not 
been reached. 

Kerr Scott knew the way when he paramounted the 
"Branchhead Boys." Out there on the branchheads exist, I 
hardly wish to say live, the men and women on whom North 
Carolina's plans for the future so greatly depend. What was 
it Jefferson said? That a wise nature has endowed the chil- 
dren of the poor with as much capacity as the children of the 
well-to-do. The wise government, he added, will recognize 
this and see that such brains are saved for the State and the 

Any plan for our dear State for the next ten years or the 
next hundred must, if it builds well and permanently, in- 
clude a way to send to college the child of superior intellect 
and ability who is now denied that advantage by lack of 
money and rising costs. We rank low in the percentage of our 
high school graduates who go on to college, and most tragical- 
ly the number of valedictorians and salutatorians who do not 
enter college is one out of three. In that number who are 
denied because of a lack of finances, who knows but there 
may be an Aycock, an Alderman, a Billy Poteat, or a Frank 

Every PTA should have as its most important committee 
one charged with searching out, as early as grammar school, 
the talented child and seeing that this child is given by the 
community that right to "burgeon out" to which Aycock 

And as to our colleges and university system. 

A great explosion of increased enrollment is upon us. We 

A Ten-Year Plan for North Carolina 209 

cannot provide as early as they will be needed the facilities 
of dormitory, classrooms, and laboratories for those who will 
be knocking at the doors of the State's twelve institutions of 
higher learning, and another 50 private or church-related 

Let us adopt new concepts for this critical situation. Let us 
depart from the accepted way and break new trails. 

Let us agree that we do not have to build dormitory space 
for every child who goes to college. Let us agree that the 
parents must assume some responsibility for seeing that their 
child gets to the college campus. The family auto can easily 
bring them in from fifty miles around. Let the homes in the 
nearby towns and communities where our colleges are located 
be opened for living quarters for college students. 

We should develop more community colleges; we should 
set up a bus route system that will transport young people to 
and from colleges. This bus system will work in bringing 
students to college as it has in bringing them to the schools. 
Utilize this new means and you save money for classrooms, 
laboratories, and libraries. 

Why does a college, or indeed a high school, have to do 
most of its classwork between 8:30 and 3:30? We could pro- 
vide another full day's instruction by starting a second shift 
at the end of today's schedules and continuing until about 
10 o'clock at night. Add another shift and you have opened 
the opportunity for which Aycock campaigned to double the 
number of children. 

The evening college plan is just beginning in North Caro 
lina. It is now growing rapidly in a number of centers, some 
of them far removed from the parent campus. More of our 
ambitious and worthy must be stimulated to use this new 

As we strive to reach and arouse the people, as we strive to 
educate all who are educable in Aycock s best dream, let 
us dare to encourage individuality of thought and expression. 
Let our forms be so free and challenging that our youths are 
encouraged to think for themselves and to be willing to 
speak out as they see it. 

Progress could be so much more rapid, plans could work 
so much more effectively, if there was a recognition and hon- 

210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

or for the man of thought and ideas. Reach the people, give 
them courage and hope and faith, stir them as Aycock did, 
and North Carolina will make the fullest of the great new 
day upon which she enters. 

Take this thought to your heart. 

"Men did not love Rome because she was great. Rome was 
great because men loved her." We have this love in Tar Heel 
hearts for North Carolina. Give voice to it. Give action to it. 

By Robert B. House* 

When we think of the American Revolution our thoughts 
come to rest in Washington, The Father of His Country. 
When we think of The Revolution in North Carolina in 1898 
our thoughts come to rest in Aycock, "The Father of North 
Carolina in the Twentieth Century/' It was given me to see 
and hear Aycock one time. I was a small boy at the Weldon 
Fair to which he came to speak while he was governor. I felt 
the love in his heart and the responding love he elicited in his 
audience. I got something of the grandeur of his mind and 
the integrity of his will and felt their impact on his hearers. 
All who knew him have testified to his power as a speaker. 
The explanation is simple. Aycock was what he said. 

Aycock's services to education were in their immediate ef- 
fects those of a statesman. He led a movement that created 
the political framework in which education could revive and 
go forward. His task was to embody wisdom and justice in 
the structure of an ancient commonwealth determined to 
rebuild itself after the ravages of civil war, reconstruction, 
and governmental corruption. Passion was in the hearts of 
his people, folly in their minds, revenge in their purposes. 
A demagogue at the helm of state in these times would have 
wrecked permanently the whole commonwealth, education, 
of course, along with it. What is the secret of his leadership 
in wisdom and justice? 

Aycock was a godly man. He recognized no secondary 
cause in life any more than did a Hebrew prophet. He was 
simply, sincerely, and joyously a Christian, in love with God, 
Man, and Nature. His secret was love; he loved the new 
North Carolina into being. 

In that new North Carolina, Universal Education was to be 
the way of life for every person and everything. It was to 
open the door of hope to the disfranchised negro and throw 
to the white man the challenge: "Live up to your heritage and 

* Dr. Robert B. House is Chancellor-Emeritus and Professor of English 
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 


212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

educate yourself and your children, or abdicate your citizen- 

For a man thus to make universal education an absolute 
in the life of his people that man must know what he is talk- 
ing about and what he is doing; furthermore, he must feel 
it in his bones. Ay cock did! He was in himself universal ed- 

First, Aycock had the root of the matter in himself. He 
loved to study, and he studied everything. He studied him- 
self, his home, his farm, his community, books, teachers, 
schools, colleges, universities, his profession, the w 7 hole com- 
monwealth of North Carolina, its history, its contemporary 
conditions, its possibilities for the future. He was education- 
minded; the process itself was the passion of his life. In 
explaining education terfhe people he defined education as 
the bringing out ofThe student what was already in him. But 
he never used this definition without pausing to point out 
that something must be there to bring out. That something 
was love of study. Nothing happens in education if the process 
goes one way and the student another. 

Second, Aycock socialized this fundamental insight. He 
was privileged to live in an education-minded home, a large 
family living on a farm. Here everybody had to work and 
even a child's work counted in the economics of the family. 
This is something that has almost passed out of the life of the 
modern youth. It is an unsolved problem at the root of much 
triviality in the leisure time of students and much juvenile de- 
linquency. When a child has to work and his work really 
counts, two things result: a) He has a sense of dignity, b) 
He knows the joy of books as a change of pace from hard 
physical labor. There was plenty of play in the Aycock home, 
and never a task beyond the easy powers of the growing child. 
But there was always real work calling one away from study 
enough to make the return to study a relief and a joy. The 
leading spirit in this education-minded home was the mother, 
Serena Aycock. 

"In the evenings," say Connor and Poe, "during the school 
term, it was her custom to gather her children around her 
for an hour or two of study, after which she required them 

Aycock and Universal Education 213 

to recite their lessons to her; and although without education 
herself, she had no difficulty in telling by the expressions 
of their faces whether or not they knew their lessons." An 
education-minded home is an essential in the process of 
education. Too many homes depend on the school to do all 
the work of education. Nothing happens in the general pro- 
cess, a few geniuses excepted, where student and school go 
one way and the home another. 

Aycock was privileged to grow up in an education-minded 
community. The people of Nahunta had lost their public 
school under a corrupt government. They provided one by 
voluntary subscription, made it a prime community objective, 
sacrificed to keep it going, and cherished it as a precious 
thing and a joy. Everybody interested in the quality of the 
school is essential in the process of education. Education is a 
weak force if student, school, and home go one way and the 
community goes another. 

Aycock, as a Baptist, did not join the church until he was 
nearly grown and had taken time to make his commitment. 
But he grew up in Sunday School and church which joined 
on to person, home, school, and community in educational 
unity. The Jesuits have proved that childhood years are the 
fixed formative years in a person's education. Aycock was 
fortunate in Nahunta, and North Carolina was fortunate in 
Nahunta when Aycock carried Nahunta principles from the 
mountain to the sea. When Aycock said of his education, that 
it had fitted him to "plow it out" if necessary, it was no idle 
boast. When a Nahunta citizen said of Aycock that he might 
speak well elsewhere, but that in Nahunta or Pikeville "he 
beat all creation," it was not an affectionate boast. Aycock's 
statement and the Nahunta citizen's statement were mutual 
assessments of education that had begun in the grass roots 
and had "burgeoned out." 

Aycock reinforced his personal and social insights into ed- 
ucation by a brief experience in the classroom, by a term as 
Superintendent of Public Instruction for Wayne County, and 
by almost a lifetime as Chairman of the Board of Trustees 
of the Goldshoro Graded Schools, a position he said he en- 
joyed more than any he ever held. He never made any pre- 

214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tense of professional knowledge of the schools; he was an 
education-minded layman. 

Aycock had the deep, sympathetic knowledge these in- 
sights and experiences gave him into what the people would 
do and would not do in education as a beginning program of 
rehabilitation. It was a modest program: 

a) A four-months school term for every child 

b ) Building simple school houses 

c) Special schools for the handicapped, a goal of special 

pride with him 

d) Expansion of teacher training in colleges and in The 

University of North Carolina 

In the third place Aycock universalized his educational 
and social insights. He universalized the campaign for 
schools, starting with a conference in his office of representa- 
tives of every type of education— public, private, or church- 
related. In addition he brought in representatives from every 
business and profession. No other man in North Carolina 
could have brought so many tangential forces into one har- 
monious circle. 

He achieved every point in his immediate objective in 
such a way that the work begun continued on a foundation 
of mutual confidence and enthusiasm that never had to be 
reworked. This is his major practical achievement in educa- 

His next step was a major moral, intellectual, volitional 
achievement— a spiritual vision. Aycock envisioned the ed- 
ucation of every person and everything. He was working on 
his major passion, equal opportunity. Aycock never relaxed 
the standard of excellence in education, but he knew that 
one person might be good in one thing and not in another. He 
refused to identify all education with the few parts of educa- 
tion then making up the conventional curriculums and 
schools. He visualized the possibilities in a civilization in 
which every person had available to him not only a school, 
but a school appropriate to his needs and capacities, even 
if courses and schools had to be invented. He firmly believed 
that every child had something unique and precious in him 
if a way could be found to bring it out. 

Aycock and Universal Education 215 

He also believed firmly that everything had in it something 
precious and unique if a way could be found to bring it out. 
That is what he meant by an educated potato, an educated 
dog, etc. His vision was of the creative work of education 
and research in producing more varied careers in a State poor 
in opportunity, and in creating opportunities by producing 
more and more businesses out of hitherto unknown resources 
in nature. He visualized a system applicable to every child, 
through universities and keeping open the utmost frontiers 
of knowledge and art. 

In his last public speech Aycock put his beliefs in a nut- 

"I believe in universal education. Did you hear what I 
said? You see, I am not a scary man. I believe in universal 
education; I believe in educating everybody. I will go further 
and say that I believe in educating everything; and so do you 
when you come to think about it." 

This concept of mutuality between Man and Nature, in the 
self, in society, and under God was, I think, the most original 
and comprehensive contribution Aycock made to the cause of 
education in North Carolina. It is simply inexhaustible. We 
measure Aycock, not by the modest achievements of his day, 
but by what has been going on ever since 1900. He is still our 
leading spirit in education: education of the people, for the 
people, by the people; education of every person and every- 
thing; in the person, in the home, in school, college, univer- 
sity without regard to whether it is public, or private, or 
church-related, or under any other sponsorship; education 
from the cradle to the grave, from the soil of the ground to 
the souls of the people. 

Aycock would be the first to disclaim all this credit to 
himself. He would assign it to his forerunners, to his contem- 
poraries, and to those who came after him. He would sav that 
as a practical politician, perhaps as a statesman he had done 
something for education. But at the word "education" his 
eye would light, his frame expand, and his tongue would 
loosen, "bodying forth the shapes of things unknown and 

216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

giving to airy nothingness a local habitation and a name." 
He would be manifest to others what he was too modest to 
see in himself— a poet in love with his theme, an apostle 
aflame with his mission. 

Ay cock converted North Carolina to universal education. 

The works logically followed. 



By Daniel W. Patterson* 

Three quarters of a century ago Tar Heels were exhorted 
in the rolling phrases of one of their leaders to "Look abroad 
throughout the land and see North Carolina's sons contend- 
ing manfully for the palm of honor and distinction." We 
moderns, obeying this injunction, find even in the field of 
literature evidence of the progress boasted for our State: 
The ranks of the manful contenders for literary renown have 
been doubled, by daughters of the State, and the palm of 
honor and distinction itself has quadrupled, in the form of the 
Mayflower Cup, the Sir Walter Raleigh Award, the Roanoke- 
Chowan Poetry Prize and the AAUW Juvenile Literature 
Award. I shall render you an account of the struggle during 
the year 1958-1959 for the last three of these— awards for 
accomplishment in fiction, poetry, and juvenile literature. 

The AAUW Award for children's literature was contested 
by seven entries. Two for beginning readers were submitted 
by Dorothy Koch, When the Cows Got Out and Let It Rain. 
The other entries were for older readers. Four were stories 
relating to North Carolina. Pioneer adventures along the 
Cherokee frontier of 1821 are the subject of Julia Montgomery 
Street's Moccasin Tracks. Mrs. Street took pains to secure 
accuracy in her use of this background. In historical verity 
Manly Wade Wellman went her one better, for the most ro- 
mantically improbable of the adventures related in Ride, 
Rebels! are fact, not fiction. This book is the second in a 
trilogy about a North Carolina boy serving in Wade Hamp- 
ton's Iron Scouts. 

Present-day life in the Smokies furnishes the material for 
the attractively written and illustrated Tough Enough and 
Sassy by Ruth and Latrobe Carroll, while Occoneechee Neck 
in the Coastal Plain serves as the scene of Mebane Holoman 
Burgwyn's Hunters' Hideout. Thelma Harrington Bell's Cap- 
tain Ghost is the only one of the narratives for older children 

* Dr. Daniel W. Patterson is an Assistant Professor in the Department 
of English at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 


218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not exploiting North Carolina, but this fact is no handicap 
to her story of three children who befriend an eccentric sea 
captain. The remaining entry is the only one not a narrative. 
In his work, Glen Rounds skillfully blends delight with in- 
struction in essays on mud daubers, wrens, and other crea- 
tures appropriate to a book entitled Wildlife at Your Door- 

For the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award, twelve volumes 
were submitted, six by sons, six by daughters of the State. 
The authors are of varied backgrounds: physicians, house- 
wives, salesmen, teachers, county managers, ministers, and 
gardeners. Their verse shows, nevertheless, remarkable sim- 
ilarities. With the exception of two entries— Vernon Ward's 
Of Dust and Stars, which openly acknowledges Whitman as 
its master in both verse form and themes, and Roswald Ber- 
nard Daly's The Phoenix, written in a less florid modern 
idiom— all the volumes exhibit traditional rhyme and meter. 
The mode of expression is primarily lyric, only a few nar- 
rative poems being sprinkled through the volumes. 

In content, the verse tends markedly toward the devotional, 
although the range of religious attitudes is wide. From a 
Catholic background are Betty Miller Daly's As a Woman 
Thinketh and The Phoenix: A Physicians Soliloquy by her 
husband. These two volumes complement each other. Mrs. 
Daly treats the spiritual in the homemaker's life; Dr. Daly's 
verse is more meditative and metaphysical. His professional 
training is reflected in his concern with the problem of re- 
conciling science and religion. An Episcopalian minister, the 
Reverend Alex C. D. Noe, is the author of Above the Rim 
and Other Poems, which although it includes memorial tri- 
butes and occasional verse is mainly inspirational. The pastor 
of a Baptist church, Tucker R. Littleton, submitted a volume 
entitled Shore Songs. His collection is wide in range, but 
centers on religious themes treated in sonnets and other 

Faith of a Salesman by Harold H. Fletcher, who for some 
years held pastorates in the Methodist church and has lately 
been associated with the Society of Friends, is less denomi- 
national in tone. Mr. Fletcher discovers the divine in the 

North Carolina Fiction, Drama, Verse 219 

beauty of nature, and it is this emphasis which one notices 
in the devotional poems of most of the remaining volumes. 
Opal Winstead, for example, in her Torch of Wonder cele- 
brates the Infinite that "weaves a garment from the common 
earth." Underlying many of the descriptions of nature in 
Edith Deaderick Erskine's This Day: This Hour is similarly 
the desire to gaze beyond where "faintly gleaming stars 
must keep their nearer guard upon the mystery." Like Emily 
Dickinson, Augusta Wray writes in her Engravings on Sand 
of making a Sunday morning worship in "Cathedral Woods." 

The tendency, present in all these volumes, to show con- 
siderable variety in subject matter is marked in the remaining 
ones. Carl W. Galloway's title, This Is My Country, reveals 
his range, but Olive Tilford Dargan's title, The Spotted Hawk, 
alludes only to the prevailing autumnal tone of her collection 
and does not suggest the indignation and humor which flare 
in some of her verse. Of all the volumes submitted, the most 
wide-ranging was probably Charlotte Young's Speak to Us 
of Love. Her verse forms alone show extensive reading. In 
addition to the Shakespearean sonnets and ballad stanzas fre- 
quent in the other entries, Miss Young essayed such types as 
the triolet, the dramatic monologue, imagist crystals, stan- 
zas with Poe-like refrains, and even a specimen of shaped 
verse entitled "Green Jar" and arranged in a jar-shaped sil- 
houette upon the page. 

Among the entries for the Sir Walter Raleigh Award are 
four plays by Paul Green. One of these is the full-length 
"symphonic outdoor drama," The Confederacy, which was 
first produced at Virginia Beach, Virginia, on July 1, 1958. 
This drama, like others written by Mr. Green and his imi- 
tators in this genre, is broad in scope. He gives it a center 
of focus in the figure of General Robert E. Lee, and avails 
himself of considerable dramatic license in his use of histor- 
ical materials. The other three plays submitted by Mr. Green 
were published under the collective title of Wings for to Fly. 
Each is a one-act play about Negro life using devices of 
radio production, and each is a re-writing of material pre- 
viously published. The first, "Fine Wagon," is a dramatiza- 
tion of his short story of the same name. It shows a Negro 

220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

boy's painful education in the nature of his social caste. 
"The Thirsting Heart," a second play dramatized from a 
short story, contrasts the complacent unreality of the outlook 
of teachers and students in a Southern college town with a 
Negro youth's hopeless struggle for education. Much strong- 
er than either of these two plays is the third, "Lay This Body 
Down," a revision of one of the best of Mr. Green's early 
plays, "Hot Iron," about a Negro woman who murders her 
worthless husband. A comparison of this version with the 
earlier one clarifies the tendency suggested in the other two 
plays. Mr. Green appears to be less concerned now than 
formerly with the Negro as a human being with universal 
qualities and more concerned with him as the victim of 
social injustice and as a vehicle for social protest. 

No short story collections were submitted this year for 
the Sir Walter Raleigh Award, and but four novels were 
entered. Each of these novels was written in a different popu- 
lar genre. Talmadge Powell's The Smasher is a whodunit 
solved by the victim's husband. If it is to remain a mystery, 
the less said here the better. The Stars Are Too High by 
Agnew H. Bahnson, Jr., is a science fiction story concerning 
a group of idealistic American scientists who develop an 
amazing flying machine with which they attempt to frighten 
the American and Russian governments into peaceful rela- 
tions. They correctly calculate everything but the intractabil- 
ity of human nature— their own and that of others— so that 
their experiment is as educational for them as it is for the 
populations astounded by their handiwork. Once again sci- 
ence fiction proves to be one of the most morally earnest of 
popular literary forms. 

A historical novel with a purpose is LeGette Blythe's 
Call Down the Storm, which deceptively begins with a pas- 
sionate romance and then develops into a study of the prob- 
lem of miscegenation in North Carolina during the Recon- 
struction Era and the years that follow. Mr. Blythe's plot 
seems to make the statement that the victims of the social 
codes of the late nineteenth century suffered inevitable in- 
justices, but that in the lives of their descendants the prob- 
lem will disappear as the races merge. 

North Carolina Fiction, Drama, Verse 221 

The remaining entry is a war novel, Band of Brothers, by 
Ernest Frankel. It recounts the heroism of the United States 
Marines in the Korean conflict. Like other novelists since 
World War II, Mr. Frankel attempts to write honestly and 
unromantically about warfare, yet rejects the stance of the 
disillusioned pacifist so popular in fiction written after the 
First World War. His major concern is with the growth of his 
protagonist's character during combat, but he also uses this 
to affirm his belief in the strength of the value of the Ameri- 
can traditions. Band of Brothers is a gripping novel, and we 
would do well to keep an eye on Mr. Frankel's development 
in the future. 

In looking back across the row of works submitted this year 
for the literary prizes and attempting to assess them for what 
they may reveal of the temper of the State, one finds him- 
self in danger of overgeneralizing. The body of material is 
after all small, and a chance gathering at that. One of the 
qualities, however, remarked by Professor C. Hugh Holman 
in his survey of the 1955-1956 entries for these awards is 
certainly present in most of the works submitted for the cur- 
rent year. This is the prevailingly optimistic tone of the 
writings, whether in verse or fiction, whether from the pens 
of writers of the younger or older generation. It is also an 
optimism which refuses to part company with common sense 
—a quality particularly clear in the temperate Utopia estab- 
lished at the end of Mir. Bahnson's science fiction story, or in 
the recognition of suffering shown in the novels of both Mr. 
Blythe and Mr. Frankel. 

The "healthy regionalism" also noted by Professor Holman 
seems in the present works to be in process of modification. 
The use of North Carolina in the writings for adults as either 
setting or subject is scanty: only one novel, three one-act 
plays, and a handful of poems. Significantly, none of these 
was written by the younger writers of the State, whose novels 
are laid in Washington or Korea, whose nature verse could 
just as appropriately have been written in Oregon or Illinois. 
Perhaps the view of the Vanderbilt Agrarians was correct, 
that the "New South" is no South. 

If it is true that the sense of state identity seems to be 
weakening, one of the characteristic attitudes of the State 

222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

appears still strong. The marked sympathy for the Negro 
held by many of the State's intellectuals from Walter Hines 
Page to Howard Odum and Frank P. Graham appears in 
many of the works submitted, as it did, according to Mr. 
Phillips Russell, also in the 1957-1958 competition. This year 
it is most clear, of course, in Paul Green's three indignant 
plays about Negro life and in Mr. Blythe's novel, but it 
crops up as well in Mr. Green's symphonic drama, in Mr. 
Frankel's novel, and in the verse of Mrs. Dargan, Mrs. Ers- 
kine, Miss Winstead, and Mr. Ward. 

This survey of creative writing produced in North Carolina 
during the period 1958-1959 has admittedly been made with 
a patriotic rather than a critical eye. While many of the en- 
tries are pleasant and competent, they rarely startle the 
reader with depth or with freshness of conception and tech- 
nique. Can we hope for better? Great genius is evidently ac- 
cidental whenever it appears. But talent of a high degree 
must be present at all places in all times, and it is often the 
milieu which catalyzes the talent or diverts it from creative- 
ness. If the social change we note about us breeds intellectual 
ferment in the State, we may find that North Carolina writers 
no longer have to look to other "sons and daughters of the 
state" for applause, that they will first be acclaimed by the 
world of outer dark. 



By John Paul Lucas, Jr.* 

Following an appearance which I made in the interest of 
community colleges last spring, the usually reliable Charlotte 
News referred to the matter under the caption "Lucas Shows 
Need of College Education." I have a feeling that the implied 
defect has been somewhat offset in these past few months 
of reading, sometimes at a thoughtful amble, sometimes at a 
gallop, the approximately 7,000 pages of current North Caro- 
lina literary output generally described as nonfiction. 

A broad appraisal of this truly remarkable shelf of entries 
for the Mayflower Cup for 1959 raises some interesting ques- 
tions. One of them has to do with why people write what 
they write at a particular period in history. How, for instance, 
can we account for the prolonged literary preoccupation with 
the War between the States—the generalship, the ebb and 
flow of battle, the brooding overtones of tragedy and suffer- 
ing, the social and economic consequences of civil war? What 
of the popularity of the familiar essay— the universal popu- 
larity of Harry Golden's compendium of wit and nostalgia, 
or the beguiling vernacular of "Chub" Sewell's biographical 
anecdotes on the well-loved humorist, Judge Walter Siler of 
Siler City, "the Gotham of Chatham County"? 

From folksy chronicles of Carolina to esoteric books in 
limited areas of interest, our shelf for this year does indeed 
afford a liberal education in history and biography, in anth- 
ropology and religion, in folkways and local color, in history, 
in music and in art, in literary criticism and the humanities. 

Everyone at one time or another has spent an idle moment 
thumbing through the index cards, looking for nothing in 
particular, but piqued now and then by an arresting title, a 
familiar author, or a subject of personal and peculiar interest. 
The literary professional would never attack the problem 
quite this way, but for a layman at large among such an array 

* Mr. John Paul Lucas, Jr., is Vice-President for Public Affairs of Duke 
Power Company, Charlotte. He is a former newspaperman and college 


224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of books as I have just described, perhaps this is as safe 
an approach as any. 

At a glance, my card file for the year includes representa- 
tive selections on North Carolina History and Institutions, 
Southern History, Social Studies, Religion, Criticism, Bio- 
graphies, and Personal Experiences. 

In North Carolina-An Economic and Social Profile, S. H. 
Hobbs, Jr., Professor of Rural-Social Economics at the Uni- 
versity, provides a complete Blue Book of North Carolina 
progress. More than a source book of information about our 
natural and human resources, Hobbs' work reflects a love 
for facts exceeded only by love for his home state, and in- 
dicates new economic and social directions for the people of 
North Carolina. 

In preparing the new North Carolina: History, Geography, 
Government, Dr. Lefler, whose previous work is so widely 
known, has done a service to the boys and girls of North 
Carolina by correlating their study of geography, history, and 
government into a meaningful whole. The World Book Com- 
pany has manufactured an inviting book for young readers- 
sturdy, colorful, and without condescension. 

Of the degrees of reading enjoyment, one of the highest 
is in reading a well-executed account on the scene of the 
story. A case in point is David Stick's excellent account, called 
The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 1584-1958, recommend- 
ed reading for a stay at Nags Head or Morehead. 

A resident since childhood, David Stick has written with 
easy familiarity a comprehensive history of the Bankers. 

"To the mountain people of Carolina and Tennessee, 
people isolated for generations from the world beyond the 
footwalks of the hills, Tweetsie grew up with the region as 
a natural thing that went hand in hand with what God 
planned. Few of these people had ever before seen a train." 

In Tweetsie, The Blue Ridge Stemwinder, Julian Scheer 
and Elizabeth Black have achieved a charming little book, 
beautifully designed and printed by Heritage House. 

Lest the designation "corporate biography" prejudice those" 
in search of something more entertaining, I hasten to qualify 
Jack Riley's treatment of the Carolina Power and Light Com- 

North Carolina Non-Fiction 225 

pany story as good writing by any standard: good drama, good 
narrative, good history. 

It is a story of the evolution over a half-century of a large 
business organization rendering service indispensible to mod- 
ern living; a company indigenous to the area it serves, grow- 
ing ahead of it, and accurately reflecting its vicissitudes in 
good times and bad. The official title is Carolina Power and 
Light Company, 1908-1958. 

Three fine historical studies of the Confederacy stood high 
among this year's Mayflower Cup entries: Burke Davis's To 
Appomattox, Manly Wade Wellman's They Took Their Stand, 
and Glenn Tucker's High Tide at Gettysburg. 

Something of the futile urgency of the last sad days of the 
Confederacy quickly seizes the reader of Mr. Davis's story 
of those nine April days in 1865. It is not Mr. Davis who is 
speaking, however, but rather the soldiers and civilians on 
both sides, the eyewitnesses who come alive across the dim- 
ming years by way of letters, diaries, and memoirs. It is far 
from objective military history, but is rather the tragic story 
of human beings under stress. There is humor throughout the 
book, a catharsis for the underlying somberness and despera- 
tion. One sees these last days through the eyes of generals and 
soldiers of the line, of non-combatants and of medical corps- 
men. To Appomattox: Nine April Days, 1865, is a happy 
choice for the Literary Guild and the capstone of Mr. Davis's 

A life-long student of the Confederacy, Manly Wade Well- 
man of Chapel Hill bases They Took Their Stand on the per- 
sonalities of the leading figures in the formation of the Con- 
federacy, those who were the exponents of secession and 
those who seemed caught in the inexorable flow of events. 

Gettysburg is, of course, the classic subject for writers 
about war and Glenn Tucker provides us with a vivid and 
extremely well-written treatment of this critical phase of the 
War between the States. His book is called High Tide at 
Gettysburg: The Campaign in Pennsylvania. 

Dr. John Honigmann, Professor of Anthropology at the 
University and author of extensive research papers, notable 
among them being his reports on Eskimos and Indians, has 

226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

developed a magnum opus of about 1,000 pages on Man in 
his World. Emphasis is on cultural anthropology in his book, 
The World of Man, with adequate consideration of physical 
anthropology in providing an understanding of human be- 
havior, not only tor college students but also for the general 

Beginning with a resume of the spatial, agricultural, min- 
eral, and energy resources of our world, Dr. Oiin Mouzon 
of the University, goes on to analyze our capital and human 
resources before developing his final unit on the "strategy 
of security." The serious student of world affairs and geopoli- 
tics will find this a thought-provoking study, well reasoned 
and documented. The title is International Resources and 
National Policy. 

Returning to the national scene, sociologist Floyd Hunter 
in Top Leadership, U.S.A., not only adduces from a nation- 
wide field study that there is an identifiable group of men 
making our national policies and leading our people at all 
levels, but also lists the names of these men— an absorbing 
analysis of overlapping power structures with reference to 
many of the leading actors on the stage of American affairs. 

Jack Wardlaw started selling fire extinguishers as a class- 
mate of Kay Kyser's and by unorthodox methods has become 
one of the top insurance salesmen in the nation. He tells us 
how anyone can succeed at selling Find a Need and Fill It. 

Finding a human need, which in the world of books is also 
to say a market need, North Carolina religious writers have 
this year provided helpful books of meditations, prayers, and 
religious experiences. Among them are Irvin Cook's Between 
Two Worlds, Norfleet Gardner's Always The Ten Command- 
ments, and Frederick West's moving account of mental ill- 
ness, Light Beyond Shadows. 

In this category, too, is John Gibson's history of the Ameri- 
can Bible Society, entitled Soldiers of The Word, and an 
analysis of the racial question by a Baptist minister and Pro- 
fessor of Religion, Roger Crook at Meredith College. 

My old teacher, Paull Baum, one of the great Chaucerians 
of our time, has resurveyed Chaucer in a book of apprecia- 
tion which is critical. While delineating certain of Chaucer's 

North Carolina Non-Fiction 227 

limitations which have often been accepted uncritically, by 
way of appreciation he also draws attention to some merits 
of Chaucer's poetry generally overlooked. The mellowness 
of Dr. Baum's approach in no way dulls the keenness of his 

The nine popular volumes of Inglis Fletcher's famous his- 
torical stories in Carolina setting have made the reading 
world aware of North Carolina history and of Mrs. Fletcher 
herself as an author of first magnitude. Pay, Pack, and Follow: 
The Story of My Life relates her girlhood in Illinois, her 
adventures with her engineer husband, in mining camps in 
the West and in Alaska, and her adoption of North Carolina. 
Her autobiography discloses a craftsman of exceptional gifts 
and a human being of great warmth and charm. 

Two other biographical books of the year are Richard N. 
Current's The Lincoln Nobody Knows and William S. Hoff- 
mann's monograph, Andrew Jackson and North Carolina 

The Lincoln Nobody Knows provides interesting answers 
to some of the apparent contradictions in Lincoln's life and 
political career, especially in areas which have been obscured 
by ignorance and misinterpretation. Dr. Current, Head of the 
Department of History at the Woman's College, was a collab- 
orator of J. G. Randall on two of the four volumes of the 
latter's definitive biography of Lincoln. 

The familiar equation of life and drama is examined once 
more by Dr. Robert B. Sharpe, teacher of dramatic literature 
and adviser to the Carolina Playmakers, in his essay on Im- 
personation, Shock, and Catharsis, entitled Irony in the 
Drama. Using well-selected illustrations from the whole range 
of drama, Dr. Sharpe clarifies these concepts and encourages 
a more profound understanding of drama and of life itself. 

For the advanced student Dr. William S. Newman of the 
University has done a detailed study of the early evolution 
of the sonata as the first of his projected four-volume His- 
tory of the Sonata Idea. 

I have already referred to that unique phenomenon in 
American letters, Harry Golden's Only in America. Harry 
Golden himself is unique. Erudite and earthy, critic and re- 

228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

former, he is a sort of Samuel Johnson of our Philosophy 
Group in Charlotte. 

Only in America I have classed under "Personal Experi- 
ences," along with three other delightful books: Molly Ber- 
heim's A Sky of My Own, We Came to Warren Place by Grace 
and Gilbert Stephenson, and Margaret Davis Winslow's A 
Gift for Grandmother. 

A Sky of My Own is the story of twelve years of flying ad- 
ventures by an interesting Durham woman who, like Anne 
Lindbergh and others, has discovered the challenge and re- 
lease of flight. 

The Stephensons rediscovered life at Warren Place in 
Pendleton after nearly forty years of city dwelling. Here is 
a picture, not of the Old South, but of present-day life on a 
southern plantation. 

There they are, all twenty-nine or thirty nonfiction offer- 
ings in this year's contest. Several are distinguished, most 
are well worth the reading, all are creditable. 

Pay your money and take your choice! 

By Richard Walser* 

Each first week in December we gather together here in 
our State Capital to observe what we now affectionately call 
Culture Week. Like all of you, I can remember when the term 
Culture Week was used in derision, mostly by those outside 
our collective memberships who were laughing at us for as- 
suming an interest in Culture which we did not possesss. At 
other times, it was surreptitiously used by our own folk who, 
in thorough self-consciousness, felt we were doing something 
beyond our normal pursuits— that is, our normal pursuits of 
working and building. North Carolina, they felt, was not so 
much given to Culture as some of her sister States who were 
so busy being "cultured," it was privately assumed, that there 
was not time for anything else. We were workers; they were 
sitters-down. Culture, in short, was not for the uncultured. 

I am glad to report that nowadays few, if any of us, use 
the phrase as of yesteryear. We say Culture Week, and we 
mean Culture Week. The manner in which we have taken 
a derogatory term and changed it into a term of pride is not 
without precedence among us. We recall how during the 
Civil War the South Carolina soldiers yelled "Tar Heels" at 
our ancestors with a purpose to insult them. But the insult- 
ing words did not injure for long. Soon those very same an- 
cestors of ours were boastfully calling themselves Tar Heels 
with so much haughtiness that the South Carolinians wished 
with all their hearts they had never concocted the term at 
all. Today we lustily sing about our being Tar Heels born. 
Tar Heels bred, and when we die— and so on. The phrase 
is endearing to us. 

A similar semantic situation developed out on the campus 
in West Raleigh where I teach English. A dozen or so years 
ago, the Wake Forest and Durham and Chapel Hill students 
—as college students will do— worked up a way to indicate 
their scorn of a rival, and so they hit upon the words "Cow 

* Mr. Richard Walser is a Professor of English at North Carolina State 
College, Raleigh. 

230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

College." It is a good phrase, it is alliterative, it has a fullness 
about it; but the students did not think about these things. 
Those who invented it were simply attempting to show 
that the West Raleigh students were hard-working farm boys 
without the traditional arts-and-science dignity of the other 
institutions. And for a while it made the farm boys sad— to 
contemplate their lowly origin. But not for long. I remember 
the day one of my married students— for we had many of 
them then, and still have— brought his two-year-old son into 
my office for my inspection and approval. I looked at the 
child, and I was horrified; for there, as the handsome little 
fellow stood before me, I saw belligerently and ostentatious- 
ly and magestically glaring at me in huge red letters from 
the child's T-shirt those former fighting words "Cow College. " 
I turned with injured dismay upon my student. I asked him, 
"Where in the world did you get that shirt?" With eyebrows 
uplifted, he proudly answered: "In the campus supply store. 
—Why?" Why, indeed. Why, indeed. And so they manufac- 
ture and sell these words now, as if they were taken from one 
of Shakespeare's plays. 

And so do we tonight say Culture Week with a self-satis- 
faction and with a pride as if we had appointed a committee 
of twenty-five to search out and discover a title to define 
our activities this first week of December. And I shall not be 
unhappy if soon the words appear officially on the covers 
of our printed programs. You see, this is Culture Week to us, 
for good or bad. The only thing which troubles me is whether 
or not we deserve the honor. 

Often we think of Culture in a narrow, restricted way. We 
think of it as somehow associated with the best literature, 
art, music, and manners. An uncultured person, for instance, 
does not read the works of Sir Edmund Spenser, wouldn't 
know a Brueghel from a Rubens, thinks rock n' roll just won- 
derful while having no ear for Mozart, and he can't balance 
a cup of tea on his knee in polite society. All this may be true, 
but isn't it only half the truth? Culture, aside from aesthetic 
considerations, is any preferences, any manners. It is tradi- 
tion, and development, and education. 

In the restricted sense, Culture is noneducation, and takes 
on a superficiality not always entirely healthy. In that sense, 

Culture in North Carolina 231 

it denies the essence of education, which is the ability to live 
at home in one's own world, the ability to perceive similarity 
and association. In the restricted sense, Culture becomes self- 
satisfied with the self-satisfaction each of us feels as he comes 
here each December and listens to speakers who praise our 
efforts in all the concerns of our societies. Hereabouts, rarely 
is any word of dissent heard and, if it were spoken, it would 
be resented. We feel proud— here in December— proud and 
happy, we return home to the not-always cultural aspects of 
our everyday lives, and we plan to come back to Raleigh next 
year to hear the good words again and to join in the annual 

I do not want to give the impression that there is no Cul- 
ture in our everyday, non-first-week-of-December lives. Fre- 
quently, however, it cannot be denied that our month-by- 
month Culture takes rather the especially restricted direction 
of digging into the past. 

Let us face it: North Carolina has become, in its way, a 
prosperous region. The first thing prosperity demands, after 
the money has been made, is a past— preferably a glorious 
past. Prosperity demands that history be rewritten to em- 
phasize the romantic and the noble. Wealth cannot long be 
happy with a background of mediocrity. It is like the million- 
aire who employs a genealogist to find him some ancestors— 
any ancestors, but preferably ancestors who were English 
aristocrats, or Revolutionary generals, or landowners with 
countless acres and slaves. The remarkable thing is that such 
ancestors can generally be found, provided there is sufficient 
patience, research, and financial expenditure. 

Now, this is not a bad thing at all. To wealth, ancestors give 
a needed tradition and needed pride which considerably 
diminish one's come-to-be-hated vulgar beginnings. 

In the last several decades in prosperous North Carolina, 
we have accessioned a rich history and some sainted ances- 
tors. We no longer hide in the valley between the hills of 
conceit. We have ascended Mt. Mitchell, fortunately within 
our geographical borders. And there we stand on the record 
of our history and our ancestors, and we hurl denunciations 
at any attackers of our impregnable peak. 

232 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

The second thing prosperity demands is an aesthetic Cul- 
ture, however superimposed it may be. Just as New York's 
400 built its palaces of art and music, so is North Carolina 
now erecting her palaces. Ours are not always Newport man- 
sions and Metropolitan Opera houses; but they serve. They 
are not all wrong by any means, but they are not all right. 
Their failure to reach a full all-rightness lies not in the end 
results— (one may see their beauty and observe their use- 
fulness)— but in the incitement, the impulse to prove some- 
thing to somebody out there somewhere. 

Let me put it another way: In the aesthetic cultural stimu- 
lation which has come to us as an offshoot of our prosperity, 
we have, it seems to me, often pursued a culture which is not 
a true Culture at all. We have frequently ignored the origin 
of Culture, forgetting that a cultured person is one who is 
faithful to his age, to his environment, to his own nature. The 
cultured person does not look to the past except for reasons 
why, nor to the future except for expectation. 

The cultured person is educated— educated to think in 
contemporary terms. The past is important only as it strength- 
ens and enforces and serves as a basis for his today's living. 

Here tonight are gathered the custodians of Culture in 
North Carolina. On us and on our activities rests, for a goodly 
portion, the cultural education of our people, both young and 
old. How good a job, in the basic cultural sense, is the job 
we are doing? 

Since mathematical measurements are never applicable to 
cultural progress— and only Time is the final judge— you will 
humor me, I hope, if I report briefly on seven of our associ- 
ated societies; and you will remember that what I have to 
say is the opinion of one man— albeit, one man who not only 
belongs to most of the groups he mentions, but has a forth- 
right interest in each of them. 

I shall proceed chronologically in the order of their meet- 
ings as outlined in the printed program. 

The first is music, as represented here by the North Caro- 
lina Federation of Music Clubs, an organization committed 
to excellence in musical performance and in education. At 
present it is providing a number of scholarships to students, 
in addition to encouraging music in public schools and col- 

Culture in North Carolina 233 

leges. Even more important— in line with my remarks here 
tonight— the Federation has since 1936 conducted contests 
for original composition, both instrumental and voice. Prizes 
have been awarded for pieces traditional as well as modern. 
This patronage of creativity is the essence of education. 
Furthermore, the Federation is eager that North Carolina 
composers have a hearing. A year ago in this very room it 
provided for the Southern premiere of a piece by one who is 
probably our State's most noted composer today. The fact 
that this composer is contemporary in technique, and con- 
sequently cacophonous to many listeners with ears untrained 
beyond nineteenth-century romanticism, is a feather in the 
Federation's cap. Today's music is their concern, as well as 
music of the past. While the Federation of Music Clubs gets 
a very high mark in our tonight's grade book, there is more 
to be done. The scholarship program is still insufficient— as 
its members are the first to admit— and no way has yet been 
found to underwrite the publication of North Carolina music 
once it has been composed and won a prize. Until these 
things are done, there will be a defect in the complete musi- 
cal health of North Carolina. 

Second is art— that is, the visual art of painting and sculp- 
ture, handicrafts, and so on. The North Carolina Art Society, 
whose members are primarily responsible for the Museum of 
Art here in Raleigh, has from time to time aided other se- 
lected museums in the State with special exhibitions, though 
it has no constant policy in that regard. It has, aside from its 
close association with the Museum, no programs in conjunc- 
tion with the schools and colleges. The principal scholarship 
administered is donated by another organization, the North 
Carolina Federation of Women's Clubs. In one respect, how- 
ever, the Society gets an A-plus: its annual North Carolina 
Artists Exhibition, where we may see on display the most 
vibrant contemporary trends— often, I may add, to the horror 
of the tradition-bound whose calendar-art culture in art stops 
abruptly with the year 1900. There is, indubitably, more of 
today's critical excitement in the December show than in any 
other one spot in our survey. On that account, North Carolina, 
from an art point of view, is out in front. In no wise are our 

234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

artists backward looking .... I wonder, though, if this excite- 
ment extends very deeply into our people. Perhaps the Society 
could persuade its good friend the Museum (which, as a 
State-supported agency, is not up for discussion here ) to give 
more space and more time— a whole floor? a whole year?— 
to our own artists and their contemporaries elsewhere. Re- 
cently I counted in the Museum only three meager canvasses 
by contemporary North Carolina painters. . . . Perhaps, too, 
the Society can transport art to areas in our State still un- 
touched. Our creative artists are busy; yet the Society's crea- 
tive program is largely a one-month Raleigh operation. 

Thursday is Antiquities day. The North Carolina Society 
for the Preservation of Antiquities has for its motto: "To pre- 
serve and revere our past is to insure our future." It is a noble 
motto and it has worked. The Society, in spite of that humor- 
ous word Antiquities in its title and the rumored snob-appeal 
it exerts in collecting memberships and money, set out upon 
a much-needed program of architectural restoration, and it 
has stopped for neither flood nor fire. The outcry of most of 
our societies is that they can and will glady expand their 
programs if the money can be found. I cannot tell you about 
the financial maneuvers of the Antiquities; but if money is 
needed, it seems to be got— at least enough to start a project. 
At that point, since money is, after all, exhaustible, other 
agencies are found to take on, to complete, and to administer. 
Education, if not a primary purpose of this group, is always 
secondary and eventual; but it is hoped that soon the day 
will come when education will compete with preservation as 
a primary motive. Until that time, and judged only by its 
stated purpose, the Antiquities Society stands as high as, or 
higher than, any other one of our associations. 

Friday afternoon is folklore. The North Carolina Folklore 
Society, organized in 1912, has performed some marvelous 
feats in North Carolina, here where the folk heritage is vastly 
rich. No other of the fifty states can even approximate the 
publication of its folk materials. North Carolina has published 
four impressive volumes of its seven-volume series. Also, in 
recent years, a lively bulletin of past and current lore has 
been coming out regularly. And the Friday afternoon De- 
cember meetings in Raleigh have come to be known as the 

Culture in North Carolina 235 

entertainment feature of Culture Week. In strictest terms, 
folklore is the most genuine of our cultural facets. In the 
foregoing activities and in festivals held throughout the State, 
the Folklore Society has carried out its purpose magnificently. 
As an educative group, it badly needs to sponsor the publi- 
cation of a book of folklore for youngsters of junior high 
school age, possibly excerpts from the Brown Collection. Until 
then, the Society's bulletins and heavy tomes will not reach 
those young people who ought to and need to learn about 
the opulent folk heritage which is theirs. 

Friday also gathers together members of the North Caro- 
lina Poetry Society, a somewhat struggling group in this age 
of prose. Sometimes it seems that nobody reads poetry any- 
more except the poets themselves. And those others who do 
try to read it are aghast and confounded in a morass of 
incomprehensibility. Things do not have to be this way, as 
witness the bearded San Franciscans pounding their lyric 
measures to jazz rhythms, completely in tune with the day 
and the hour. Our North Carolina poets, apparently, are for 
the most part too much given to sonnets and iambics— beauti- 
ful but moribund. The time will and must come when our 
poets, not imitating any one, will find their own peculiar 
music. Poetry is as necessary to man's essence as food and 
drink. Hereabouts we wait patiently. 

Saturday is the day for the North Carolina Society of 
County and Local Historians, with a lively membership be- 
coming livelier every vear. Here is a group dealing in the 
past— history, if vou will— yet totally conscious of the present. 
As a result of their encouragement, the gaps in published 
county histories are fast being filled. The local historical 
tours they arrange have a picnic atmosphere which attracts 
persons not normally history-minded. Most of the affiliated 
county organizations offer prizes to public school students for 
papers and projects in local history. Since indis;enousness is 
itself a virtue, and since, here, the quality and spirit of in- 
digenousness are high, this group gets a top mark in our to- 
night's record book. 

And now we have the last, the North Carolina Literary 
and Historical Association, which is the parent and, in a way, 

236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the sponsor of all these other societies, in addition to a few 
which I do not have time to mention. The "Lit and Hist," 
as it has come to be known, has through the years had a major 
role in North Carolina culture. For a long while, except for 
our educational institutions, it was a courageous voice crying 
in the cultural wilderness. Times have changed, of course, 
and it is almost as if the "Lit and Hist" had retired proudly 
into the dignity of old age and a job well done. I shall not 
here review the story of this grand old association except to 
say that, some half dozen years ago, it looked as if the stately 
lady were dead. For many Decembers it met once briefly, 
haughtily gave out a Mayflower cup, and disappeared for 
twelve months. Not so now. The literary and historical awards 
have been increased, several gatherings are held in spring 
and summer in various parts of the State, and it involves itself 
in numerous other activities. 

To speak of the "Lit and Hist" as though it had no connec- 
tion with the State Department of Archives and History is as 
troublesome as to think of the Art Society as disassociated 
from the Museum. But I often wonder if the "Lit and Hist" 
is not more historical than literary, more capital-city-oriented 
than State-wide-oriented, more inclined still to dignity than 
to energy. It will never reach the peak of its potential until 
it erupts vigorously on the contemporary scene, encouraging 
the unconventional and the new. 

At this point, you can see that I, an isolated observer for 
the time being though a highly prejudiced observer, pre- 
judiced greatly in favor of these seven cultural associations— 
you can see that I have noted with pleasure the work they are 
doing. If any deficiency there be in any of them, it is primarily 
a deficiency to see and define their educational and cultural 
opportunities— a deficiency which tends to glorify the past 
and overlook the present. 

If we are to grow culturally in North Carolina, we must 
not rely upon that glorious past, but merely choose from it 
only that which has meaning for the present. Obviously any 
great culture must have a past, but to begin to live in it is 

Culture in North Carolina 237 

History, ancestry, industry, wealth— these do not in them- 
selves provide an environment and atmosphere for culture. 
Only spirit can do that, and open-mindedness, and contem- 
poraneousness, and encouragement of new talent, and nour- 
ishment. No matter what we think, genius is not always in- 
evitable. It can be plowed under by frowns, disapprobation, 
and stodginess. 

In the last few years, all of us must have noticed that new 
talent is coming forward less and less. Where are the new 
poets, the new novelists, the new architects, the new com- 
posers, the new painters? Have we covered them up in the 
same field where we have been digging for our ancestors? I 
think we often have. I have done it with my literary history 
along with a great many of you with your particular histories. 
But can we not dig with our weak left hand and nourish with 
our strong right? And must we not nourish a thousand un- 
worthy plants to cultivate one which is genius? That one 
which will broaden our perceptions and all the world's, and 
make us a great commonwealth because of her or him? 

The time for nourishment is tonight. The moments for be- 
ginning are now. 


By John A. Krout* 

"Americans of all ages, all conditions, and all dispositions, 
constantly form associations." So spoke a young Frenchman, 
visiting the United States a century and a quarter ago. His 
words have never been forgotten, for Alexis de Tocqueville, 
not yet turned thirty, was destined to become the most pene- 
trating and judicious observer ever sent by the Old World to 
the New. His Democracy in America, even now in these 
middle years of the twentieth century, remains a classic in 
its noble definition of the relation of the United States to 
other parts of the world and in its understanding of the signi- 
ficance of America in human history. 

"The most democratic country on the face of the earth," 
he wrote, "is that in which men have in our time [that is 
1835] carried to the highest perfection the art of pursuing 
in common the object of their common desires. . . . Americans 
make associations to give entertainments, to found establish- 
ments for education, to build inns, to construct churches, to 
diffuse books, to send missionaries to the antipodes; and in 
this manner they found hospitals and schools. If it be pro- 
posed to advance some truth, or to foster some feeling by the 
encouragement of a great example, they form a society." 

How well this trait of his fellow-countrymen was under- 
stood by Charles B. Ay cock; and how effectively he used it 
to revolutionize the educational system of the State of North 
Carolina. The choices which you will make in the later de- 
cades of the twentieth century will be within the framework 
of the commitments that the citizens of this State made dur- 
ing the lifetime of the man whose centennial we celebrate 

Any anniversary is a temptation to hail the achievements 
of the past and to rejoice in them; and the temptation can- 
not be resisted when one reviews Governor Aycock's career. 
His was a dedicated life, in which glorious dreams of the 

* Dr. John A. Krout is Vice-President of Columbia University, New York 


Commitments and Choices 239 

future never obscured the hard work which the moment de- 
manded. The law is a hard taskmaster, but the young attorney 
refused to use that as an excuse for anything less than a full 
commitment to the cause of universal education. His words 
were eloquent as he pleaded for better schoolhouses, higher 
salaries for teachers, larger appropriations for elementary 
schools and high schools and longer terms of instruction. He 
did not fear to face the fact that his program was costly, that 
it would mean higher taxes. He knew the economy-minded 
in communities where any tax was paid grudgingly. The 
anecdote is still current about the time he spoke to an audi- 
ence in which there were numerous disgruntled citizens. 
One of them impressed by Ay cock's arguments finally said: 
"Well I hate to give more money, but I'll pay it since you 
say it is needed." To which the young lawyer replied: "The 
scriptures say that the Lord loveth a cheerful giver, but the 
State of North Carolina is not so particular." 

When Charles B. Aycock became governor of this State, in 
the first years of the present century, one person in five, 
among the white population over ten years of age, was illiter- 
ate. Almost one thousand districts were without a school- 
house. Where children were fortunate enough to have a 
school, the term was normally four months in the year. Few 
teachers received more than $25 a month, with indifferent 
provision for lodging in some districts. The new governor 
threw the power of his office into the fight for better schools, 
and he and his associates won victories on every front. So 
many reformers are content to talk, and let others translate 
their words into action— not Charles B. Aycock! He not only 
organized and spoke at meetings in courthouses, schools and 
churches, but he made sure that words which persuaded 
voters promptly became deeds. Unlike so many in our own 
generation, he did not expect the teachers of the State to 
plead their own case and to carry the burden of campaign- 
ing for educational reforms. He mobilized the lawyers, the 
businessmen, the farmers and their wives in his army of 

It is not too much to insist that he and those who joined 
him convinced a whole generation of the significance of 

240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

education in any scheme of self-government. This they did 
not by practicing the art of the demagogue, but by stressing 
the difficulty of the job to be done and the hard work required 
to do it. They told the people not what they wanted to hear 
but what they needed to do. Above all they had courage. Not 
the quickening of the pulse that comes with the sound of 
martial music. Not the physical bravery and high heart that 
carry the soldier into battle. Theirs was the courage of the 
commonplace, rather than the courage of the crisis. They 
were not afraid, in all humility, to stand up and be counted 
for the right. How sorely we need that kind of courage in this 
hour! This generation needs men and women who are quietly 
determined in their business dealings, in their social activi- 
ties, in their schools and churches to speak out for the prin- 
ciple that is based on honor rather than on shrewdness, on 
justice rather than on prejudice. 

Vision, as well as courage, marked Ay cock and his friends. 
One who know them well, Edwin A. Alderman, native of 
North Carolina, and once beloved president of the University 
of Virginia, spoke of the knightly fashion in which they car- 
ried their vision to all the people. It became a beacon, guiding 
North Carolina out of intellectual provincialism into a posi- 
tion, among the other states of the Union, more influential 
than any part which it had played in the 250 previous years 
of its history. 

"God give us patience and strength," Aycock wrote to a 
close friend, "that we may work to build up schools that shall 
be as lights shining throughout the land." That was his dream; 
but he would not claim that his dream had been realized. 
Much had been accomplished; so much more remained to be 
done. He was humble, as Sir Isaac Newton was humble, when 
he said: "I know not what the world will think of my work, 
but to me it seems that I have been but as a child, playing 
along the seashore, now and then finding a prettier pebble 
or some more beautiful shell than my companions, while be- 
fore me the great ocean of truth lay undiscovered." Here is 
the beginning of wisdom. 

Almost half a century has passed since Governor Aycock's 
career was cut short; but the educational forces which he 

Commitments and Choices 241 

helped to set in motion, and of which he was such a vital 
part, still run strong in the land. Our choices today are so 
largely determined by commitments that he and his associates 
made in the first decade of this century. 

It is doubtful that the American people generally, or the 
people of North Carolina specifically, or indeed the voters of 
any school district have ever felt that they were called upon 
to decide what the main emphasis of the public school system 
should be. But most of the evidence prepared by chroniclers 
and historians, compilers and statisticians leads one to the 
conclusion that in practice our tax-supported schools for sev- 
eral generations prior to 1940, were trying to train their stu- 
dents for the responsibilities of citizenship, to give them an 
understanding of the meaning of democracy and to make sure 
that each student enrolled had reached a minimum level of 
achievement in course. It was probably inevitable that most 
concern should be manifested over the "problem" children, 
who do not seem to be able to keep step with the average pace 
of the procession. Has our own historic commitment to uni- 
versal education made us feel that it is more important to 
help the laggards keep up with their fellows than to stimulate 
the gifted students to move out far ahead of the main group? 
There are some who maintain that the American people long 
ago decided that it is undemocratic to sort out the able and 
interested students from those who are indifferent, indolent, 
distinterested, or lacking in ability. If that choice was ever 
made historically, has the time come to reconsider it? At the 
very least, we need to make sure that we are no longer con- 
fusing "equality of opportunity" with "identity of treatment." 

In the last five years, to be sure, we have given greater 
attention than ever before to the "gifted student." Yet we 
are far from any general agreement as to the best way in 
which to identify the talented youth, and we follow various 
schemes, none fully tested, in our efforts to provide him with 
unusual opportunities to make the most of his special talents. 
The North Central Association of Colleges and Secondary 
Schools has shown its awareness of the problems involved by 
creating an experimental program for 100 high schools to help 
them spot their superior students and prepare them for fur- 

242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ther education. Likewise the National Education Association 
is exploring new ways in which it may encourage the public 
schools to take another look at what they are doing for their 
most gifted students. 

Some present-day critics insist that the school administra- 
tors lost their way during the second decade of this century, 
when they were confronted with the task of providing twelve 
years of education for virtually all American youth. Then the 
decision was made, by default if not by positive action, to 
stress quantity rather than quality in our tax-supported 
schools. For the moment the need for universal schooling 
blurred our collective vision. However that may be, the 
choice now takes on a different form: Can we afford any- 
thing less than to "seek excellence in a context of concern 
for all"? 

To maintain high standards against the pressure of num- 
bers will be costly; and we shall need to use our resources 
with greater wisdom than previously. Historically, we have 
secured the funds for the support of our public schools from 
local taxes on a real estate base in the school district, supple- 
mented by a distribution ( to the several school districts) of 
certain revenues derived from States taxes. In any discussion 
of financing there is one point of agreement: the present 
resources are not adequate to provide satisfactory schools in 
every community in the State. Does this mean a heavier con- 
tribution by the state taxing authority, or a change in the 
ratio of distribution of State funds to local districts, or the 
provision of additional public funds? Here looms the necessity 
of making a choice about the use of federal funds. Our tax 
supported schools already receive some help from the nation- 
al government, in indirect ways. Should the financial assist- 
ance become greater and more direct? This may be the most 
crucial choice we shall have to make in the generation imme- 
diately ahead. 


Edited by Charles W. Turner* 

Part II 

Reuben to his wife, Eliza 35 

Old Fort Kearney, May 19, 1850 
My dear Wife, 

I am now seated in my tent to drop a word or two to you and 
shall have to let them be few as a boat is just coming in sight 
which will only remain a short time at the landing, and it is 
probably the last one that will come up soon and there are none 

We have been trying to get regulated and break the mules 
since I arrived three days since and hope to strike our tents in 
the morning and be off. I wrote you a very hasty note by the 
Sacramento on Friday giving you some information respecting 
Devore. We have heard nothing of him since, and as he told 
many different tales to the passengers, some that he was going 
back, others that he did not know which end of the road he 
should take, and others that he was not going out with me, etc., 
I am still of the opinion that he is a scoundrel, and if not re- 
turned to St. Louis that he has used the money derived from the 
sale of my horse to carry him out to California. Losing two more 
since I wrote you makes nine mules and horses lost in all, and 
as they are exhorbitantly high in this region (none at all to be 
had here), I have had an additional expense of one thousand 
dollars at least in the outfit. We have now 61 in all and hope 
to get along well. 

Had great perplexity on opening the boxes of harness here 
to find that Col. Grimsby had neglected to ship 12 sets of harness 
and 12 important parts of some saddles ordered, the croppers 
and I am short 12 bridles also. Have shifted about the best way 
we could, and procured a part as we could, but I really thought 
at one time we should be compelled to return as far at St. Joe 
(which would delay another week), in order to make up the 
deficiency. Please tell Cousin Timothy that the deduction must 
be made when he pays my note to Col. Grimsby for harness, etc., 
(which is about 126 dollars. 

* Dr. Charles W. Turner is a Professor of History, Washington and 
Lee University, Lexington, Virginia. 

85 Mrs. Knox (Eliza Heritage Washington Grist) was staying with her 
brother-in-law, William A. Graham, former governor of North Carolina, 
at his home in Hillsboro. 



The North Carolina Historical Review 


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One of the letters written by Reuben Knox to his wife Eliza (May 3, 
1850), showing the message written vertically and horizontally, presumably 
to save postage. 

Reuben Knox Letters 245 

I hoped to spend this day alone with you (in thought), but 
many mishaps have prevented and you must take the will for 
the deed. I found Henry troubled with diarrhea at Independence 
but checked it with one dose of medicine and he is now and has 
been ever since he stopped at St. Joe, hard at work with me 
and quite well. Reuben is complaining for a day or two and 
looks pale, but is improving — he is writing to his sister in my 
tent and I hope will be quite well. I had a little sick turn on my 
way up from St. Joe from eating something that disagreed with 
me, and was very much fatigued riding a mule and chasing 
others through the woods as they would try to get off. Had to 
stop a few times and lie down in the shade and vomited occa- 
sionally, but was not laid up at all. Should have been if I had 
had your kind hand to soothe me, and lap to lay my aching head 
upon. Henry was everything a good boy could be, however, and 
I feel that Joseph and he are going to take hold like men and 
render all the aid in their power. I am really surprised at Joseph's 
ability — he does every thing the best men can do and has a con- 
stant watchful care of every thing connected with my interest. I 
Could Not Get Along Without Him as it appears to me now. 
All hands are quite well except the slight indisposition of Reu- 
ben mentioned above and the prospect fair for a pleasant com- 
pany and good time. The scenery here is delightful, no pleasanter 
site for a town — one white family alone residing on this side the 
river for some hundreds of miles. The old lady, Mrs. Harding, 
informs me that they have lived here for eight years and she is 
quite communicative. 

I had written thus far, my dear, when Joseph came running 
from the Boat with a letter purporting by the superscription, 
to be from Cousin Mitton, but you cannot realize the surprise 
and joy Realized By Me on finding out my mistake. The boat 
only stopped a few moments at the landing, half a mile from 
our camp and I am glad I did not have the above ready to put 
on board as I have now the pleasure of answering yours at the 
same time. 

It is now 9 o'clock at night and all are quietly stowed away 
in the wagons and tents. I have retired to an old shell of a black 
smith's shop, once used by the Army, and seated myself on a 
bag by the side of one of the boxes sent up with our goods, now 
empty, and turned on one side, making a "first-rate" writing 
desk. Have our first lesson to learn tonight and preparing for 
the "pelting not of the pittyless storm", but pattering of a most 
grateful shower, being the first rain that I have seen for nearly 
two weeks. I am truly thankful for it and although we may get 
a little wet the shower will revive us on our way very much, 

246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and start the grass afresh, — the roads have become very dry 
and dusty. 

We have the mules picketed out tonight nearly a mile from 
camp, four men guarding them until 1 o'clock, and four more 
from 1 until day, the grass having all been eaten off near camp 
by the great numbers which have been here preparing for a 
start. About 50 left yesterday who had been waiting to go under 
cover of my train, but finding that it would be altogether im- 
practicable to have so many together, I was compelled to tell 
them so and presume many will entertain hard thoughts and 
probably express them. Mr. Ham and his two men, all good and 
true, Dr. Tibbets and lady and his friend Mr. Davison came in 
with us and we hope all will go on smoothly. 

I am delighted to hear that my good little Betty is a good girl, 
that she often thinks and talks about Papa, and especially that 
she does so at night and prays to the Lord Her soul to keep, 
that she thinks about her pa who is so far away and prays for 
him too. Oh ! May we ever be all under His guardian care, and 
permitted to meet each other here once more, and more especially 
be prepared while here for that meeting, where Parting is Un- 
known. Tis for this that I hope and believe we are now striving 
and trust we shall be aided by wisdom from on high to train 
up our dear little ones to seek the same heavenly blessing, and 
He who all purity and love will surely grant it them if we and 
they do all our duty. I have a thousand things I wish to say, but 
the rain is beating in so now and the thunder and lightening so 
intense that I shall have to close and crawl out into my wagon 
with Henry to spend this rainy night, instead of that sweet 
resting place so often enjoyed by your side. I Hope to be able to 
endure the separating and spared to meet again, but really 
while I think of it, and the Contrast as it is Now Forced Upon 
Me, my faith begins to waiver and my resolutions almost falter, 
but for your far greater firmness and composure, I do not think 
I could endure it. Good night, dearest of all earthly treasures, as 
I cannot dwell on this subject longer. 

Will tell you in the morning how all fared and if life and 
health be spared, and then start for the west as I fear by the 
time this reaches St. Louis, you will have left. One day longer 
on the way and I should not have had the great pleasure this One 
letter of yours has afforded. Hope you will receive mine by the 
Sacramento sent Friday last. 

Monday Morning 8 o'clock. We are all harnessed and ready 
to be off and I have one moment with you, my dear, which must 
be occupied with my most ardent and affectionate expressions 
of love and best wishes to you and the dear babes, and then say 

Reuben Knox Letters 247 

that that the thousandth part is not and Cannot Be Told. 
Goodbye with my most earnest prayers, to our kind heavenly 
parent, protector and Guide, for your own and children's health 
and safety, and in Him whom we trust may we live, and by His 
goodness be permitted to unite in unbroken family both here 
and hereafter. Yr. devoted husband. 

R. Knox 

Love from all — black and white to all — All well — R.K. 

Fort Kearney June 1, 1850 
My dear Eliza, 

We arrived here yesterday and intend to remain until Mon- 
day noon when we shall start for our next neighbor, Ft. Laramie 
337 miles distant. Have not seen a human habitation since the 
20th ult. when we left the Mo. River 225 miles back, save a few 
Indian Mud Villages. 

We left a short time after I closed my last letter as I then 
told you we intended to do and went out with our wild unbroken 
mules 15 miles that afternoon (20th) and encamped on the 
prairie, passing a tolerably pleasant night; next day, Tuesday, 
moved on about 15 miles farther and crossed the Weeping Water 
Creek, encamping upon its western bank. None of these creeks 
are bridged and the banks, being high we have to take out half 
the loads and then double the teams to cross, and in many in- 
stances wade in the water from knee to waist deep lifting at 
the wheels to get along at all. 

The next day, Wednesday, we got along quite well until we 
came to Saline or Salt Creek, 36 and found the crossing so very 
bad that I gave an ox train about $20 worth of corn to haul our 
wagons over, finding it impossible to carry our corn much 
farther. Here we encamped again and during the night en- 
countered one of the most terrific gales and thunder storms I 
ever witnessed — nothing could compare with it but that awful 
gale at sea of which you have heard me speak. Every tent was 
flooded and some badly shattered though none prostrated, and 
the wagon in which I lay while I could be "within doors" at all 
I thought would need anchoring to keep from being swept before 
the gale. One constant flash (almost) gave midnight the bright- 
ness of noon. This lasted over half the night. After encamping 
on the creek the evening before we made the first use of our 
seine and caught some fine salt water fish, as the water in this 
creek is almost as salt as sea water. Started the next morning, 
Thursday, but finding the mud so very deep stopped after going 

Saline Creek is located in western Kansas. 

248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

8 miles in an open prairie without wood or good water, making 
use of that in the pools caught full last night, our camping 
ground which we intended to reach being 20 miles instead of 
8 miles ahead. Friday took an early start, drove 20 or more 
miles and encamped on the Sweet Water. 37 Saturday drove 25 or 
28 miles and encamped near the Pawnee Capitol, meeting many 
Indian Chiefs, etc. as we approached their village composed of 
some hundred or more mud houses, each capable of holding an 
hundred or more persons. The Pawnees are the most treacherous 
and troublesome Indians we have to encounter, and before we 
had pitched our tents the camp was filled with them, so that I 
had to order out an extra guard. As we approached their town, 
some half a dozen chiefs and braves, old Lierchurchie, their 
head, in full costume, mounted among them, came into the road 
before me making signs for the train to stop, pulling up the grass, 
intimating that all belonged to them and we must not make use 
of it, saying "Pawnee heap, Pawnee heap, Pawnee good" etc., 
etc., and with violent gesticulation intimating that we must pay 
heavy tribute. I made signs for them to clear the road, and told 
the train (14 wagons) to drive on, which they did. They en- 
deavored to frighten our mules and did cause Mr. Harding to run, 
capsizing his wagon, and break it so badly that we could not 
get through their village on the Platte, where we intended to en- 
camp for the Sabbath as Cousin Richard had to go back pick up 
his scattered load and bring it along in his wagon, already heavi- 
ly laden. We were compelled to stop here two miles from wood 
and water for the night, or encounter the hazard of being out 
after dark in the midst of a band of desperadoes waiting and 
anxious for plunder. Next morning although the holy Sabbath 
determined to start by daybreak and pass the town if possible 
so as to get out of the crowd and have a quiet day, with some- 
thing to eat and drink, but before we could harness the Indians 
(whom I had driven off at dark) came thronging in and I had 
to order out guard again to keep them from pilfering our wagons 
and in this way marched on four or five miles to Shell Creek, 38 
which we had to cross or not be relieved at all of the nuisance. 
By the time the wagons all reached the ford about 500 men, 
women and children had lined the bank and the mud and sand 
mired my horse completely down so that he was fast in the creek 
and I had to dismount and let him up. Many chiefs and braves 
had already crossed and beckoned me to stop, but I ordered the 
hands down, cut the banks down, a little better than perpendi- 
cular in a new place, and urged the mules down, beckoning them 

37 Sweet Water Creek is located off the Piatt River in Kansas. 

38 Shell Creek is in the same general area. 

Reuben Knox Letters 249 

(the Indians) at the same time to give way, which they did, but 
intimated by signs, to some of our men, who were pretty badly 
frightened, that I should not pass safely. I told these men if they 
would lend their aid to assist us over (as they had pledged them- 
selves to do in writing before starting) that I would abide the 
consequences, and not encourage the Indians by their seeming 
fear, and rash promises in my behalf. They did so, and we drag- 
ged the wagons through, attaching a long rope to the tongue 
and 30 to 40 men aiding the mules to ascend the bank. I was in 
the water here about four hours, part of the time, to my waist, 
as most of the men hung back (all until I went in). Joseph, 
Henry, two or three others and myself have in all similar cases 
sprung in and attended to this part of the business when getting 
into trouble. Cousin Richard would be foremost also, but he 
has charge of another department, which he cannot leave. We 
have many of these bad places to pass, sometimes 4 to 6 in as 
many hours, then again have fine road all day. The Indians did 
not molest us while crossing after they saw our "Chief" (myself) 
determined to have his way and not yield to theirs. I gave them 
meal, sugar, corn etc. to the value of ten dollars and drove on 
for quarters, which we could not find there. At about 2 p.m. 
found camping ground, wood and water 12 miles from our un- 
comfortable quarters of the night before, and then tasted a 
cracker which was the first morsel of food taken since dinner 
the day before, and as I had not ventured to lie down a moment 
the night before, being out myself all night, and a double guard 
relieved every two hours to prevent surprize or a stampede of 
our mules, you may imagine something of my feelings. Added 
to this we had during the night another of those violent storms 
which we encountered for the first time on the Saline, the gale, 
thunder and lightening and rain lasting about half the night, 
which is the right kind of time for the Indians as they think to 
catch (and too often do it too) the white man off his guard. I 
know that nothing but unceasing vigilence will enable us to get 
through and this I am determined shall be observed so far as is 
in my power. 

Sunday morning 20th inst. I hardly know, my dear, where to 
stop when writing to you, and as I have been unable to keep my 
regular journal so far, owing to multiplicity of duties and con- 
stant care, I must be permitted to finish the little incidents of 
our journey. 

After we had proceeded two or three miles over the creek 
on Sunday morning I discovered a dozen or so of the Indians 
following us on horseback and they continued until we encamped, 
the head Chief among them, many other stragglers followed 
them on foot and coming in from various quarters so that we 

250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had the camp surrounded with them although from 8 to 10 miles 
from their village. The Chiefs we invited into camp to dinner, 
they dining very heartily with one mess and then with another 
until each had 3 or 4 hearty meals. I think each one would drink 
a gallon of coffee. At sunset I beckoned them all away and they 
left greatly pleased with their ten miles excursion after their 
dinners. Monday had no molestation and travelled about 28 miles 
encamping on the Platte, Tuesday 25 miles encountering a storm 
on our march. Wednesday had more trouble in crossing some 
deep ravines on the prairies having to go into the mud and water 
again, and attach ropes to the wagon, and put our shoulders in 
good earnest to the wheels in order to get through. About noon 
we discovered many miles ahead what appeared to be a company 
of draggoons, but on taking the spy glass I discovered they were 
a band of Indians, in battle array. Ordering each man not en- 
gaged in driving or attending to the wagons to get his gun and 
march along the train on each side, we were ready (without 
halting longer than I have been telling you about it) to march 
on and on nearing them I rode out in front, made signs for them 
to pass on one side the road, wheeled and rode by with them 
until all our wagons and mules had passed in order to prevent 
if possible their crossing our path to frighten the mules. They 
started across the road between the wagons three or four times 
but invariably turned back as I rode forward to check them. 
Mrs. Warner counted them and said there were 72, and they 
were really the most imposing set of men and the most thorough- 
ly equipped I had ever seen, each having a long lance, shield, 
bow and quiver, tomahawk, many a gun and pistols, and a variety 
of other weapons I cannot describe ; all well mounted and dressed 
in their most fantastic style, both horses and rider. Met other 
parties of the same band the same evening and learned that 
about one hundred more were encamped over the bluffs, 3 or 4 
miles off. They were a war party of Cheyennes out in search of 
the Pawnees whom they hoped to catch away from home on their 
hunting excursions, but failing to do that they were going down 
to their headquarters to acquire more glory by stealing horses 
etc. All the tribes are against the Pawnees, and they are really 
a most treacherous and faithless tribe in a fair way to be well 
paid for their frequent depredations. They have robbed meny 
an emigrant this year as well as last, and we saw very many 
fine mules and horses recently taken by them. On Thursday met 
a messenger from Ft. Kearney (the Interpreter) going to their 
town, accompanied by a man who has had all his mules stolen, 
with a message from the commander at this fort, Maj. Chilton, 
which will enable him to procure them. They were taken by a 
large hunting party and passed us the morning before about 




Reuben Knox Letters 251 

sunrise, heavily packed with buffalo meat. We are now getting 
into the Buffalo range and by getting a few miles off the road 
can find them easily. I have not been out and shall not go soon I 

Thursday and Friday got along well about 30 miles each day, 
being out in but one thunder storm, but last night another of 
the gales, peculiar to this region, and which Franklin so well 
described to us last fall, came upon us in all its fury, prostrating 
Dr. and Mrs. Tribbet's tent entirely, leaving them drenched in 
the rain. Mr. Cady and his mess fared but little better as half 
of theirs was torn down. Mrs. Warner has a small circular one 
[marquee] 39 which stands a much harder gale that the square 
ones [wall]. I was in one of the wagons and fared quite well 
until one of the ends blew out and then got well drenched in 
trying to save our provisions and baggage. Richard, Reuben 
and Joseph were all on guard taking the whole. Henry has been 
excused from guard duty on account of his youth and generally 
endeavors to do all that a man can do. He and Joseph have acted 
nobly and acquired the good will of all whose friendship is de- 
sirable and we have many such along. 

The above "matter of facts" have taken up so much room that 
I have but little left for kind greetings, etc. 

You may be ready to ask how I like camp life with its duties, 
and I must say that nothing but the position in which I find 
myself placed, having every moment fully occupied and a fear- 
ful responsibility urging me to duty would render it even en- 
durable away from you and our dear little ones. Yet I must say 
that I have gotten along thus far much better than I anticipated 
and if my health continues improving as it has thus far, I shall 
be fully compensated for the fatigue and hardships unavoidable 
on the way, and nothing but this, — no money or any other con- 
sideration would ever induce me to endure so long a separation 
from my dear ones left behind. The past week and present 
time my mind has been unusually occupied with thoughts of you 
as you in all probability are now on your journey to our dear 
friends in Carolina and I hope have been and will ever be 
guarded and preserved from accident and danger by our Heaven- 
ly Father, to whose care I must earnestly commend you and dear 
little Betty and Augustus. Tell my darling little daughter that 
I want her to have part of this letter for hers, and she must 
write to her "dear Pa" in all of her Mama's letters. I hope to 
hear from you when we reach Fort Laramie as I have found 
nothing here and shall hurry on to California more eagerly to 
read one kind message from you awaiting me there than for 

Marquee — a type of circular tent. 

252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

any other inducement. Do not disappoint me, but have a letter 
started at least every two weeks. 

I write in my wagon sitting on the old trunk you packed so 
snugly for me but which we shall have to leave behind us as we 
must lighten our load every possible way we can. Have thrown 
away our two larger and flat irons and many other articles 
and shall leave the two larger wagons here as we get no offer 
for them, but about 1/6 of their cost. They are too heavy and 
we must go as light as possible. Shall put 8 mules to the other 
wagons, 9 in number, and ride about a dozen others, changing 
to suit the ease of all as far as can be done. At best many have 
to walk over half the way, and some from choice walked more 
than % the way. Mr. Cady more than half, and has improved 
faster than any one I ever saw. Those who take hold freely to 
assist in getting out of difficulties and walk a portion of each 
day appear much more rebust than others too lazy to do either. 
Mr. Crowell has acted nobly and exerted himself to the utmost 
to help along. So have many more of the passengers. The hired 
men do as well as could be expected. You were right (as usual) 
in forming an estimate of Mr. Washington, who has acquired the 
reputation of a perfect drone, too lazy to work but not to eat. 
I never knew a set of men with such appetites, but hope the pro- 
visions will hold out as we have laid in a large supply. There is 
nothing to be had here if we needed. About 30,000 have already 
passed the fort upon this side of the river, and probably */4 as 
many upon the north side. While resting here yesterday probably 
one thousand wagons passed and very likely as many will pass 
today as there is one continual stream ever in sight almost. 40 

We shall be very much annoyed along the road until we get by 
the ox trains as they are filling the center of the road almost 
all the way. Some cases of smallpox have occurred in other 
trains, nothing of the kind with us, and in fact no sickness since 
we left the river save a day or two from excess in eating, etc. 
The man from Galena 41 who has been unable to work for a year 
or more and had inflammation of the bowels for two years is 
fast improving under the nitrate of silver pills. I have three or 
four calls today from other trains. Find or hear nothing yet of 
Devore, but hope to do so some day. Pancoast is an invaluable 
man. So is Mr. Kinsman who has been with Mr. Whitehill in 
the lumber business. Gayetty is one of our cooks and a very 
good one. All are quite well, Henry's nose and face undergoing 
the third peeling, and he is as brown as an Indian. My lips have 

40 The great number of wagons passing a certain point along the way 
numbered in the thousands. 

41 Galena was a town located in the extreme southeastern portion of 

Reuben Knox Letters 253 

been quite sore, but are getting better — perfectly well in every 
respect. Joseph is getting quite patriarchal in his beard, and 
really performs wonders on the route, having a constant over- 
sight of all the horses (63) , and directs them changed and water- 
ed when sore from the harness or jaded, with the judgment of 
an old experienced farmer. 

I shall endeavor to have a line ready for you in case I meet 
the mail or any returning train between this and Fort L., and 
would not for anything have failed to send you a line by Living- 
ston Kinkrad's partner who passed down two or three days 
back while I was so engaged that I did not find it out. This will 
not leave the fort until the last of the week. 

Henry and Joseph send a great deal of love to you, little Betty 
and Augustus, and you must give them all the sweet kisses you 
can spare for their papa. Tell Betty we have about a dozen buf- 
falo calves in sight, caught last winter as they came near the 
fort for something to eat. Our men saw a number of large ones 
a short time back and we passed many heads and skins where 
they had been killed. Elk, wolves and deer very often come in 
sight. Saw three noble elk start from the roadside a few hundred 
yards ahead of us and run to the bluffs, three or four miles 
distant with great speed. The Platte bottom is mostly a perfect 
level 5 or 6 miles wide, and the river from half a mile to a mile 
wide, but so shallow that nothing can navigate it. We have to 
ford over here in order to get wood as there is not a tree on this 
side for 20 miles that I know of, and but here and there a 
scattering one on the other side. 

Did I ever send you the prescription for the hair tonic? If 
not, here it is: i/2 ounce each of Tincture Capsicum and cant- 
harides, 1 ounce of Tinct. of Galls and 6 ounces of "Bay Hum 
or Rose Water, or half of each as you please. The mixture of 
citrate of iron is usually made 2 drahms of the iron to 8 ounces 
of water, adding a little mint or cinnamon if desirable. That is 
2 grains to a teaspoonf ul, and half a teaspoonf ul to a teaspoonf ul 
a dose for a child a year or two old. As you cannot often get the 
materials for the cure of corns of the best kind, a few grains 
of nitrate of silver, say 15 or 20 to an ounce of Tincture of 
Iodine applied cautiously to the corn alone will generally cure. 

The Iron Pills I gave you are composed of 1 drachm Quick- 
silver, 3 or 4 drachms of best precipitated carbonate of iron 
stirred briskly with an ounce of conserve of Roses. The dose you 
know, but I hope you will not need any medicine again soon, and 
that the children will get along without much, if any. 

Shall think of you all in a few days as quietly quartered with 
your and my best friends in Hillsborough and hope they will all 
pardon me for this step when they hear from you all the circum- 

254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

stances. 42 Goodbye, goodbye as I must write to St. Louis and 
Blandford today although I do not feel that I can give up this 
letter yet which you may think far from the point. It is 
surely very much mixed, and I have no time to see what I have 
written or failed to write. 

Ever yours, 

Reuben Knox 
Much love to all you love and many more kisses for my dear 
ones. R.K. 

We have now passed most if not all the Indians we expect 
to see this side the Salt Lake, and have had no annoyance from 
them of any account since we left the Pawnees. The Sioux are 
very friendly and I have gone to their different camps or quar- 
ters in order to purchase ponies as often as I could and had no 
trouble at all with them. 37 miles east at Fort Laramie there is 
a considerable trading post and back 8 or 10 miles off the 
road Chouteau and Company of St. Louis have a trading post. 43 
Saw a small log hut or two there which was the first house of 
any kind discovered for 300 miles. 

The scenery for 40 or 50 miles east and near the same distance 
this side of Scott's Bluff 44 is the most grand and romantic I 
have ever seen, the Bluffs in the distance presenting the appear- 
ance of an ancient most strongly fortified city surrounded by 
insurmountable walls, such as we find graphic descriptions of 
so often in the Bible, and from which I could not disassociate 
the [illegible] towers, domes, chimneys, collossal columns, etc., 
etc., in every variety of shape and form rising from 4 to 9 or 
10,000 feet above our heads, being constantly presented to our 
view for 3 or 4 days as some of them "Court House Bluff", 
"Chimney Rock" etc., being our land marks for a distance of 
40 miles or more; and from Scotts Bluffs on the river back to 
Chouteau Trading post one of the most beautiful basins, em- 
bracing about 100 square miles, I have ever seen or Dreamed 
of, is passed through on our route, nearly in the center, sur- 
rounded on either side by those high and Truly Architectural 
walls which keeps up the constant impression that you are pass- 
ing over enchanted ground or the ruins of ancient days. How I 
did long to have you by my side that we might admire the 
thousand beauties continually in view Together. But I hope 
Franklin has preserved a sketch and that will please us both in 

43 His family, or at least a part of it, in Hillsboro. 

"Chouteau and Company was an important fur company of St. Louis 
which had trading posts throughout the area traveled. 
** Scott's Bluff was off the North Platte River and near Fort Laramie. 

Reuben Knox Letters 255 

after years, and be better than anything I can describe to you 
here as I am very deficient in this as well as most other quali- 
fications so essential in letter writing. You will judge me by my 
Wishes and Constant Desire to Share With You in all 
Things, and by my meagre attempts to describe the scenery 
or anything connected with our journey, for in this case you 
would would be but poorly repaid for the trouble of reading my 
letters. At this trading post we saw an Indian buried in a sitting 
position in his basket attached to the limb of a cedar tree in a 
very remote spot, — passed two graves of Indians a few days 
previous hung up on a scaffold formed of the lodge poles, the 
[illegible] being removed which is the way of burying practiced 
you know by many of the Indian tribes. Sad to relate the two last 
mentioned were killed in a drunken frolic a few days before 
we passed, having been furnished with the fire and Death 
water by some emigrants who took this way to get their ponies 
as they will sell anything for liquor. The first word we ever 
get from them almost is "I thirst", and I have as invariably 
given them water and nothing but water to drink except when 
they have a feast, and then coffee had to suffice. But they al- 
ways "thirst" just as much After drinking water or coffee as 

By the way speaking of thirsting reminds me that your Gold- 
en syrup has just furnished us the last sweet drink and we 
today have to throw away the old house keeper demijohn as we 
cannot carry anything more than we can possibly help. The 
cakes have been but slightly decreased in number and we keep 
them in our wagon. They have kept as sweet and fresh as ever. 
The yeast has as yet been useless as we cannot make the cook do 
anything with it and shall not probably while the soda and acid 
lasts. He makes excellent light biscuit with that. Find the rice 
an indispensible article and I would not be without a large supply 
for any sum that could be named. All have fine appetites and 
appear to disposed to indulge them freely. Reuben is a little un- 
well yesterday and today for the third time, caused I think by 
over indulgence, and I find it as difficult to restrain Henry at 
the Camp kettle as at our own table in former days. Hope he 
will not seriously injure himself by indulging his inordinate ap- 
petite. We are all quite well with the above exceptions and I 
hope have passed most of the sickly region, yet the valley of the 
Humboldt River is on some accounts to be dreaded. You will see 
by the "Republican" 45 the list of those who have passed Ft. L 
on our arrival — nearly 35,000 and now while I am writing the 

* The Tri-Weekly Missouri Republican began publication in 1823 in 
St. Louis. 

256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

road back a mile off is literally live with wagons. Many times 
one continued column of 3 or 4 miles in length presents itself 
not giving room for a wagon even to crowd in edgewise. 

Did I tell you that Dr. Tribbets had left us a week or ten days 
ago. They did so the day after crossing the South Fork 46 hoping 
to get along faster, but we have passed them again (if at all) by 
traveling on the Sabbath which his wife is opposed to, but the 
company he has joined think all days alike and are of such a cast 
that the Dr. has already become tired of them and tried to get 
back again but we shall receive no more as we have all the work 
to do crossing rivers, etc., to get no thanks for it. 

One of the men I hear saying that he has already counted 500 
wagons that have passed today. Cook says supper is ready and 
I must go. 4 P.M. 

Well, dearest wife, supper having disposed of (bean soup with 
ham bones and meat, corn and flour bread, boiled rice with 
currants equal to the best pudding, a good cup of tea, etc., I 
return to the wagon with portfolio and elbow resting on your 
soft comforts, which constitute our bedding by night and sofa 
or lounge by day, on Sunday, and after looking out to ascertain 
whether the Laramie Peak or the Rocky Mts. which have been 
looming up for 50 or 60 miles back, be really and bonafide moun- 
tain or a very dark cloud preparing to deluge our camp between 
midnight and day, I return to the most pleasant duty on our long 
and dreary way, that of writing a few more lines to one so 
loved and lovely, and for fear of burdening the mail I must cross 
this instead of taking another sheet, being full aware that I have 
been the occasion of so many crosses to you already that you 
will not scold me much for this as it is of so different a character 
from many former ones. Never have I been the means of pro- 
ducing one single one, however, or giving you a moment's pain 
without causing a thousand pangs of bitter regret in my own 
breast, and a reverent resolve to guard against them in future, 
but poor human nature is so frail and selfish and easily over- 
come that the best intentions are and have been often broken. 
But I must change the subject and tell you that I have become 
fashionable since I left Ft. Kearney and now appear in my red 
flannel shirt, those I procured at Van Deventers 47 being so small 
I cannot wear them. Find the flannel much more comfortable 
both in the hot sun and cool night air, the temperature of the 
morning to midday often varying 40 to 50 degrees. Joseph wears 
them too, without any other, and Henry takes what comes to 
hand. :/.,-/...•< :.- :/ ' :■' 

46 South Fork River is a branch of North Platte River. 

47 Van Deventers was a general merchandise and supply store in St. 
Louis in the 1850's. 

Reuben Knox Letters 257 

I wish you could look in upon us as we scatter about in motly 
groups after lunch at noon or supper at night, especially after 
a day of severe toil. I would give 50 dollars for a good sketch such 
as Frank could take of our camp on such an occasion or for a 
few daguerotype impressions. 

I forget whether I told you the other day of a walk I took the 
other night after wood, but think not. Well, having found good 
grass for camping about 3 or 4 miles from Chimney Rock and 
being without any wood and not in the vicinity of any sustitute 
such as buffalo chips or weeds of any kind, I beat up for volun- 
teers to go to the Bluff and cut a back load of dry cedar. Reuben, 
Henry and five of the men joined me and when we had walked 
three miles or more two of the men seeing that we were not half 
way to the woods turned back and we kept on, reaching the top 
of the Bluff about 8 o'clock, cutting some dry pine which we 
found, we tumbled it down a precipice of about 6 or 700 feet 
and then hastened our return with what we could carry and 
walked about four miles as fast as we could with our loads where 
we met Joseph (ever on the alert) with two men on horseback 
sounding the bugle and halloing with all their power, in search 
of us as they feared we were lost or taken by the Indians. The 
relief was most timely as I was never more exhausted in my 
life and when I mounted Joseph's horse and rode a few hundred 
yards I was compelled to get off and walk into camp as I was 
so wet with perspiration that I feared to remain inactive until 
it was checked. Reached camp at 11 o'clock and ate my lunch 
and supper all together as I was off with the sick while the rest 
stopped at noon and had taken nothing since morning. For the 
last hour of our walk the blackest kind of a thunder cloud had 
been rising and as I was pouring out my coffee and eating by 
the fire light of the cooking stove the hail began to descend 
with great fury about the size of small hickory nuts, and cracked 
my pate and knuckles so unmercifully that I retreated under 
the wagon for safety and shelter and ate my supper there in the 
dark ; getting up I found myself thoroughly soaked with the rain 
but unscathed by the hail. Looking around for Henry, he could 
not be found at his usual post when eating was the play, and I 
found him in his tent so exhausted he said he had dropped down 
to rest as soon as he could and had no inclination to go out for 
supper hungry though he was. I procured it for him, however, 
and he ate with a fine relish. During the hail storm Cousin 
Richard was after the mules which had taken fright at their 
cruel pelting and run off at full speed as many as could extricate 
themselves from their pickets and came near being lost alto- 
gether. Reuben had just thrown down his light wood log and was 
as the horsemen arrived preparing to lie down by it for the night 

258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

being completely exhausted. I had walked four or five miles be- 
fore for wood to cook supper and breakfast with, but never 1U 
until then, and think I shall never do, or suffer the same again. 
I give you this to show how deceptive are appearances on the 
prairies or plains where distance is concerned as well as to let 
facts inform you that the jaunt in which we are now engaged 
is no child's play. If ever I am permitted to Join You at your 
peaceful home, however poor and Homely, I shall never be 
caught in such a jaunt again. In fact there is no other pilgrimage 
in the world on record to compare with it in my estimation. I 
have now written all I can here and have only room to tell my 
"dear darling little daughter, Betty" how much Papa loves her 
and longs to see her, get some of those sweet kisses, carry her 
out to see the sweet flowers, tell her who made them all, and 
who loves good little girls and wants to see them kind, good 
and happy, and how Pa wants to have her with him All The 
Time once more with her dear Mama and sweet little brother. 
Tell her also to give that sweet little brother and Mama a great 
many kisses for her dear papa. 

Camp 30 miles east of Scott's Bluff, 
Sabbath Eve June 16, 1850 

My dear Wife and 

Darling Little Daughter : 

I have been so busy today with the sick that this is the first 
opportunity I have to sit down and tell you something about our 
journey thus far. 

We had hoped and expected to reach Scott's Bluff yesterday 
and spend the Sabbath there where we could see some indication 
of civilization, but we were detained one day at the south fork of 
the Platte in crossing as we found it high and had to carry 
everything over in the boat that was indispensable nerely risk- 
ing our baggage in the wagons raised on the top of the bodies. 

After leaving Ft. Kearney where I wrote you we had a gloomy 
time indeed as the next day brought us in contact with the 
cholera, which was and still is very severe along the route, the 
heavy dews, dense fogs and flooding rains so constantly occurring 
predisposes the system very strongly to this disease as it is 
impossible for any of us to keep dry at all times, and many are 
wet from morning till night and night till morning. For the week 
after writing you I think we had an average of 3 or 4 drenehing 
rains every 24 hours and the roads were awfully muddy. On the 
morning of the 6th Mason, who had been ill with diarrhea 2 or 3 
days, and relying upon his boasted homapathetic remedies, died. 
I was called in haste to see him about 8% the night previous, as 

Reuben Knox Letters 259 

he was said to have a fit — found him with all the symptoms of 
the last stages of cholera strongly marked and although every 
exertion was made his pulse continued to sink until it became 
entirely imperceptible, although the vomiting and purging were 
checked in about one hour after I saw him. We were detained 
there half the day and farther on another half day so that we 
only travelled 4 days that week. 

I saw many sick and dying in the different trains we passed, 
having from 20 to 40 patients daily to prescribe for and as most 
of the trains were entirely destitute of medicine I had most of it 
to prepare and distribute gratuitously. To Specify a little one 
day started at 3 a.m., rode 3 miles from camp, missed my way 
in the fog and rode a mile in searching for the place, saw a man 
from Georgia dying, did not live more than half an hour, passed 
two large wolves on the way not more than 30 or 40 yards from 
me and so bold that they would hardly give the way ; prescribed 
for 3 more sick in the same camp and some in two other camps 
on my way back to my own. Breakfasted at 5; got off at 5% 
having two men awaiting my departure to conduct me to two 
camps a mile or two ahead for you must know that many who 
have no physicians in their train are constantly trying to keep 
near us, that they may find relief in case of sickness, etc., — 
prescribed for two sick in one and three in the other, one nearly 
gone — before I joined the wagons, had another awaiting for 
me to come up who had a sick wife and child going along in a 
train ahead of ours, so rode up and administered medicine as the 
train was moving along, At about 8 called 14 of a mile off to 
see a dying man from Arkansas, would not live an hour. The 
three remaining members of the company had just buried one 
of their number; gave medicine to them as one of them was 
quite unwell and the other two almost frightened to death. Kept 
away from the wagons by constant applications for advice, etc., 
along the road until 10 — found a man there wishing me to go 
off the road some distance to see a number of sick ones in a train 
of twenty three or four wagons filled with families from Inde- 
pendence and vicinity — they were burying the sixth — found 
another dying and 10 or 12 sick. Remained with them until my 
company had gone so far that I did not reach them until after 
lunch time and they were about harnessing the mules again. 
In a mile or so, was called off again. Some distance from the 
road found a lady from Illinois dying and a young man very 
sick; % a mile from thence and before I reached the road, saw 
a man dying and his wife quite sick — continued along the road 
and the river bank among the camps about in the same way 
constantly trying to relieve the sick and galloping along until 
6% when we camped. Before the mules were harnessed two 

260 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

messengers came post haste for me, one to go two miles back 
and off the road, the other one mile ahead. In one found 4 sick, 
one of whom was cold purple and pulseless — but who revived 
about two hours after and I was, but did not go to see him again 
about midnight — sent more medicine and started off in the 
morning at 3%, finding some out of danger and the other better, 
etc., etc., 

This, my dear, is but a specimen of what has been my daily and 
nightly toil since the 4th inst., and many nights I have not been 
able to get one hour's rest. 

"Bitter Water" in camp near a cool spring 
Sabbath noon 23rd June 1850. 

Since I commenced this, my dear Eliza, I have written you a 
hasty note from Ft. Laramie about 30 miles east and sent 
by government express which I hope you will receive some weeks 
before this will reach you by regular course of mail, and I now 
have crawled into my wagon (having finished my morning calls) 
to commune a while with you. The days pass so strangely and 
very differently from what I have ever known them before that 
I can hardly realize how they fly and although we have passed 
through much trying scenes since last Sabbath the time has ap- 
peared almost like a dream. We are entirely alone here today as 
the two thousand (at least) cattle and horses in sight last night 
and this morning have all passed away and left us in quiet 
possession of the field. We were all day yesterday (man and 
beast) suffering for water as the stream where we expected 
to find an abundance about ten o'c'lk was dry and we did not 
find a drop for the teams until about 6 last evening. Here we have 
good wood, water and grass and are I trust thankful for it, in 
which to spend the Sabbath. Mr. Langdon has just gone ahead 
in search of a horse of his own and two belonging to an officer 
at the fort which were stolen night before last — hope to meet 
him and send this by him to the fort. He is in the Quartermasters 
office and I believe doing well. (Mr. Carson, one of our passen- 
gers left us at Laramie, having met with his name sake there, 
the celebrated "Kit", who invited him to join his band in an 
excursion to Santa Fe and thence to California. Hope he will not 
"regret it".) 48 

I have written but little, my dear except to you since I left 
as I have been so constantly and unexpectedly occupied with the 
sick that I have "had no heart" to do any thing and it has been 
Most Disheartening to attend to this. Really I hope that the 

** "Kit" Carson was a celebrated frontiersman. 

Reuben Knox Letters 261 

worst is over and that we shall see little or no more of it on 
our way. It is now "Sabbath Eve/' dearest wife, and how Soft 
the sun beams would linger over these hills in this curious abode 
if you were here to enjoy it with me. I would love to ramble to 
one of these tall cliffs and sing that sweet hymn of praise and 
prayer with my dearest earthly friend and little ones by my 
side. Will it ever be that we shall all meet again to join in 
thanksgiving and praise to Him who alone is able to preserve 
us all and grant us our hearts desire in this respect? But of how 
infinitely higher importance it is that we should so dispose each 
of our hearts by the kind and saving influence of His Holy Spirit 
so to strive for pardon and acceptance at the feet of the Saviour 
that we and they may one and all finally be permitted to meet in 
Heaven. Oh, my dear, how my heart yearns for you in the sole 
care, guidance and direction of those tender mortal minds — how 
important the duty and how much we all need grace and wisdom 
from above to enable us to discharge our duty aright. That this 
grace and wisdom may be freely bestowed upon you is my 
constant prayer, and that you may be enabled to direct the 
thought of those dear children to God, the Giver of all good, 
and the source of all good, and permanent happiness, is my most 
earnest desire. 

I would like to write more and should never get through my 
letter if I followed my inclination as it is a great satisfaction to 
tell you my thoughts even in this way and at this great distance, 
but the sun is leaving me and I must prepare for rest. Oh, for 
such a resting place as once was mine in our sweet home with 
dear Betty on one side and Mamma and little brother on the 
other. I would give all I have and more if possible for those 
happy hours to return Now. 

Remember, my dear, yes I Know You Will, the hour of 
twilight. Nine o'clock and early dawn or morning walking. Oh, 
remember me then and remember me ever. 

Goodnight, goodnight. I cannot write more. Heavens 
blessings ever attend you. Your most disconsolate husband, 

Reuben Knox. 
Much love to all our relatives and friends, 


(Note from Ft Laramie 
Before Bitter Springs) 

Ft. Laramie, June 20, 1850 
My dear Wife : 

I have rode today about forty miles on horseback ahead of 
the wagons in order to procure some additional horses if poss- 

262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ible. Have purchased on the way at the Indian Trading post and 
here four, and bargained for two more. Find them very high 
and difficult to procure but must have them at some price as 
many of our mules are jaded and need rest. They have generally 
done well and I hope will carry us through. I have now seventy 
one and wish eight or ten more. 

We have encountered four violent hail storms this afternoon 
and as I did not bring my India rubber 49 along am writing you 
as wet as you have ever seen me. Took tea with Langdon and he 
has later news from Franklin much later than any I have re- 
ceived although I hope you have by this time heard from him. 
He has been up among the Nez Perce above Fort Hall during the 
winter on business but is now at Salt Lake City. 50 We hope to 
meet him in 20 or 30 days, if no accident occurs. Have gotten 
along this far as well or better than I expected. When we en- 
counter difficulty have to take hold and overcome it. Had to ferry 
over the South Fork as we found the river high. Was engaged 
there and much of the time in the water, from 10 a.m. until 11 
p.m. and Cousin Richard until 2% next morning. Joseph was 
unwell that day with diarrhea and Henry and myself were on 
the move on horseback and off most of the time. Tomorrow 
morning we have the same thing to do here as we find the 
Laramie fork. 

We have encountered a great deal of cholera along the road 
from Ft. Kearney to this place and have counted some 145 
graves on the roadside as we passed along and have not prob- 
ably seen % or perhaps *4 of the whole number. Have had some 
15 or 20 cases in my train, none of whom have proved fatal 
except Mason who was relying upon his favorite homopathic 
remedies until [he] perfectly collapsed. All the cases I have 
seen in time have been relieved and I have prescribed for 30 
or 40 per day and found little rest day or night since I last 
wrote you. Have a letter commenced some days since in the 
wagon 10 or 12 miles back giving you a more full account and 
hope to send it in 10 or 12 days as the regular mail leaves here 
the first of every month. Find an express leaving here early in 
the morning and drop you this hasty line by it as I fear you will 
have very exaggerated reports respecting the cholera along 
the Platte, as we have heard from St Louis, the last reports 
received on the way state the number of deaths per day to be 
70, but by the papers of the 20 and 25 May seen here today, 
I am rejoiced to learn that it is all exaggerated and the city 

49 "India rubber" refers to his rubber (rain) coat. 

50 Fort Hall was a military fort in the Oregon Territory, located in 
present-day Idaho. 

Reuben Knox Letters 263 

healthy. Hope you have all been well and now enjoying your- 
selves with our good Carolina friends. 

How you have disappointed me by not writing by the express 
mail as I hoped very much to have received one from you here, 
and would swim the Platte again if I could have that pleasure. 
Fear now that I shall not hear from you at all until this long 
and tedious journey is completed. 

We hear that there is much less sickness ahead and hopeful 
to find it true as the constant calls along the way are wearing 
away my flesh pretty fast although my health is quite good. 
Have had two slight attacks myself, — Joseph and Henry also, 
but all are well now and I think the prospect fair ahead. 

Many kisses to little Betty and Augustus and I must bid you 
all good night. 

Ever yrs., R. Knox. 

(To Mrs. Doct. Reuben Knox, 
% Governor Graham, Hillsborough, N. Carolina. 

Friday morning 21st. I have walked back to the crossing this 
morning two miles to ascertain the state of the water. Found 
it the same. Have just breakfasted with Major Sanderson, the 
commandant here, on first rate Buffalo meat. Have had some 
along the way but the chase is too severe for our horses and 
I do not intend to break them down in that way when it is so 
very important for our safety that they hold out to the end of 
our journey. It is mere accident that I have the privilege to send 
you this hasty note as a government express starts in half an 
hour direct to Fort Leavenworth on important business con- 
nected with the court martial now sitting here and this will reach 
you about a month in advance of the regular mail as I was in- 
formed at the breakfast table. 51 

We now consider ourselves fairly under way, about one 
third of the journey having been accomplished and we just 
one month on the way. Hope to get through by 1st Sept. and 
if all live to return to my dear home again and find you all well, 
it will be the most happy period of my life. It is really too great 
a sacrifice to be deprived the privilege from those I love so 
dearly for so long a time and were the decision Now to be made 
I should most assuredly decline the undertaking. Do let me hear 
often if spared to reach our destination as I fear now that I 
shall be in suspense until then unless I get late news of you from 
Franklin, which I hope to do. Langdon informs me that he is 

51 Members of the military forces stationed at forts in the West helped 
to transport the mail from place to place before the express companies 
took over the job. 

264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

under no obligation to remain with his company so [he] can 
leave at any time. I shall finish the letter I have in the wagon 
and send back here in time for the regular mail 1st July giving 
you more of the particulars of our journey. 

Tell Little Betty that I have seen a great many little Pappooses 
and a great many antelope, elk, Buffalo, etc., and that the wolves 
sometimes come near our camp but Bounce won't let them come 
in to eat our breakfast. 52 They are very bold and will come 
into the wagons and carry off kettles of meal or anything they 
can find unless closely watched. My dear Eliza, little Betty and 
Augustus must now receive Papa's kisses in the only way he can 
send them, and kindest wishes for their continued health and 
happiness. [Illegible] and my paper is full. So are my heart and 
eyes when closing a letter to you. 

Most affectionately yrs. 
Reuben Knox. 
Love to Ma, Sister and all. 53 

Great Salt Lake City, July 24, 1850. 
My dear wife, 

I am once more privileged to meet our dear Frank and very 
thankful for the privilege as he has consented to go on with us 
and is making all haste to be off this evening. Find him in the 
enjoyment of perfect health and apparently happy, saying he 
has had every thing to make his time pass off pleasantly since 
he has been here, and has really become quite attached to the 
place and mode of life. He has returned from Oregon only a few 
weeks since. We (Joseph, Henry and I) left the balance of our 
company on the 10th Inst, where the roads fork and have had a 
very hard drive here 250 miles over a most intolerable road, 
reaching here on the 21st. Franklin was in camp 17 down the 
lake and Joseph went off to hunt him up the next day ; found him 
and both returned about dark. Yesterday he made arrange- 
ments with his party to leave and about 9 o'clock last night he 
and Joseph started back to camp after his effects, riding all night 
and returning this morning. We shall make a forced march and 
try to overtake our wagons in 10 or 12 days, somewhere on 
the Humboldt River. 54 The route through this great valley is 
from 150 to 200 miles farther than the one the wagons have 
gone. Left all well when we parted with them. Henry had an 
attack of fever a few days before and I was unwilling to leave 

52 "Bounce" was the dog accompanying the Knox party on the journey. 

53 Knox's mother and sister were visiting his wife in Hillsboro. 

64 The Humboldt River, 290 miles long, is located in the northern part 
of present-day Nevada. 

Reuben Knox Letters 265 

him, fearing it might return. It did not, however, and he's per- 
fectly well. Last Sabbath a week ago I had a very severe at- 
tack of fever, but was able to ride the next day and by Wednes- 
day following thought I had recovered my strength fully. Over- 
taxed myself in passing some awful road and brought on a 
return of fever the next day which prostrated me very much and 
has reduced my flesh considerably. Am now quite well again but 
very weak and shall take care not to tax my strength so severely 

I write my dear in great haste as we have a great deal to do 
this morning to get ready to be off. Frank and all the boys send 
a great deal of love to you and the little ones and you must give 
them many kisses for me. I rec'd your letter directed to Ft. 
Kearney at Pacific Springs about two weeks since and was much 
cheered with its contents. Hope to have one or more awaiting 
my arrival at Sacramento City 55 and that I shall hear from 
you regularly after we arrive at out destination. Franklin had 
received no news of my intended trip as the letters never reached 
him and was taken quite by surprise. 

And now, dear Eliza, goodbye again, until we reach California 
as there will be no opportunity to send a letter after we leave 
this place. A mail starts for the States on Monday next and I 
hope you will receive this in due time. 

Much love to all our Carolina friends. May the Lord bless you, 
preserve your own and childrens' health and restore us all to 
each other again. 

Ever yrs, 

R. Knox. 
To Mrs. Doct. R. Knox 

Care of Gov. Graham, 

Hillsborough, N. Carolina 
Post marked Sept 18 

San Francisco, Sept. 20/50 
My dear Wife: 

Few and far between have been the bright spots in my rambles 
since I wrote you very disjointedly at Salt Lake City, but the 
happy days and nights spent over your letters of June and July 
after arriving at Sacramento last Saturday (14th) has more 
than compensated me for all my trials. You never can realize 
how extremely anxious I was to hear once more from you. (the 
last news having been communicated at a brief period after 
my departure from Salt Lake City and that anxiety heightened 
daily by the exaggerated reports reaching me of the ravage of 

Sacramento City was the early name given the capital of California. 

266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Cholera in St. Louis at a time too when I knew you might be 
there. 56 And although your letters speak of the severe fever 
Such A Mother's Constant Care and every comfort kind 
friends could afford and am truly thankful that that care has 
been so richly repaid in the prospect of restoration to his former 
health and vigor and that you were all so well when your letter 
was closed (23rd July). A Mail Steamer is today due and will 
probably be here by tomorrow (as they make their regular time 
now and then). On reaching Sacramento which I shall probably 
do in a day or two I hope to hear from you again and be cheered 
once more as I have so recently been. 

I regretted very much that I could not avail myself of this 
Steamer sailing from this port on the 15th to write you, but the 
mail had left Sac. before we arrived. It leaves here and Panama 
on the 1st and 15th of every month, so that you may be sure 
that your Semi-Monthly Letters will be provided for, and 
I hope to receive every one in due time. Shall write you regularly 
now by every mail steamer and I assure you that the impossibi- 
lity of sending you any word in this way since leaving Salt Lake 
City has added greatly to the trials of the road. I hardly know 
whether to say anything about those trials and hardships, losses, 
etc., etc., to you or not, but feel that you wish to know precisely 
our situation in every respect and that although many disasters 
have befallen us, yet, you ought to be apprised of them all. 

After leaving Salt Lake with all the boys we made a forced 
march with our pack horses of about two weeks before we could 
overtake the wagons, riding early and late, often till 11, 12 
and sometimes 2 o'clock at night in order to do so before our 
provisions would give out. We did so on the Humboldt near its 
head or where the road intersects it and found all well, man 
and beast, and progressing rapidly. Stopped all hands two days 
to recruit and enable Joseph to come up, who had necessarily 
been left behind to bring along as he could four horses broken 
down by our forced march. He came up with ONE of them, the 
other two having died. We then started on and made good pro- 
gress for near three hundred miles down the Humboldt or Mary's 
River until near the Sink 57 [ ?] when the mules nearly all became 
sick, many of them died and all appeared to lose most of their 
power of [motion] so that our progress was greatly retarded 
as we had to stop every day or two to recruit or try to relieve 
the sick mules and horses. When not within 80 miles of the 

68 Eliza was visiting friends in St. Louis, possibly looking after the Knox 
property there. 

57 Knox is referring to Carson Sink, a saline lake, in the vicinity of Car- 
son City, Nevada. 

Reuben Knox Letters 267 

desert we found the grass giving out, the water too bad for man 
or beast and the desert was thus Actually made 125 instead 
of 45 miles as laid down in the guide books. 58 When near the 
Sink of the river or the point where the sand desert commences, 
we ran off the road 8 or 10 miles to find grass to cut and carry 
with us, but the mules continued sick and appeared to derive 
no strength from what they ate or drank. After stopping two 
days we entered the desert, and although we could have gone 
through in another 24 hours as we expected to have done had 
our animals been in good condition, we were out all of two nights 
and two days until the 10 the next night (after we left all trace 
of grass) and found ourselves still 10 or 12 miles from food 
or water and compelled to stop the wagons or kill all our mules 
in the attempt to take them through. 

I had them all started off in a drove for water and grass that 
night, remaining myself with one to aid me as a guard. Being 
quite exhausted from over exertion loss of sleep in the Hum- 
boldt, swimming it as I was often compelled to go in search of 
grass for our animals, I was then severely attacked with dysen- 
tery, the ravishing disease of the valley through which we had 
passed, and was confined there three nights and two days ex- 
posed every moment to the extreme heat of the place at that 
season, and what was an hundred fold worse and more sicken- 
ing, the most offensive odor arising from the putrid bodies of 
about twenty horses within gun shot of me. **Many Thousands 
are lying dead in this desert. How gladly would I have given 
all this world were it at my own disposal for the comfort and 
consolation of your kind hand, and that alone, could afford me 
at our own once happy and quiet home. My mind was constantly 
wandering to our little bedroom and when under the influence 
of powerful opiates which would only afford temporary ease, I 
was constantly wandering in my slumbers to your arms and 
dreaming of happiness once more. The mere recalling such a 
dream to mind even now, has a luxury attending it. When Shall 
it be realized? 

But I am wandering from my subject. About day break the 
first morning Franklin and Joseph returned with the sad news 
that more than half of our mules had been lost, and they had 
been out all night in search of them. Some were found the next 
day, but twenty five which had been started in one band to the 
water have not to this moment been heard from. Some with 
saddles and some with harness on. They were probably driven 
off by the Indians and their more heartless accomplices, the 
traders at those posts under cover of the night when the men 

68 "Official guide books'" were frequently incorrect when giving directions, 
especially of desert areas. 

268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were off their guard and satiating themselves with water and 
refreshment after their most tiresome march. Search was made 
for 15 or 20 miles around but to no purpose and after three days 
we had to set out again, leaving five of our wagons on the 
desert. The road from this point grew worse and worse and 
the grass entirely eaten off or dried up so that by the time we 
reached the Sierra Nevada mountains our mules and horses 
were but poorly prepared to overcome the almost insurmountable 
difficulties of their ascent. 59 We started with but two wagons, 
shortly threw away one of them, and after accomplishing the 
most difficult passes and getting over the worst" as we thought, 
we broke that and had to abandon it, packing our entire stock, 
clothing, provisions, cooking utensils, etc., on the mules, and 
accomplishing the remainder of our journey on foot, — in fact 
we had all been walking most of the distance for some hundreds 
of miles and a more rough, dirty, jaded set of human beings you 
have seldom if ever seen. Our provisions having been shamefully 
wasted by many of the (so called) men, But In Reality Hogs 
during the first few weeks of our journey, that we had to put 
all on rather short rations, as there was no possibility of pro- 
curing any supplies until we came within reach of the mines 60 
. . . and then at the different trading posts, flour for instance was 
selling at $1.50 to $2.00 per lb., Pork about the same. I was 
often urged to sell a little rice or flour and offered $2.00 a pound 
for either. I gave to the almost starving while I could with 
safety, but never sold a penny's worth, and were for the last 8 
or 10 days compelled from self defense or our own safety, to 
withold it from them altogether. 

You can never have any adequate conception of the exposure 
and hardships, difficulties and privations many have encountered 
on this route, and no one who has tried them once, if of sane 
mind, would ever be willing, under any circumstances, to en- 
counter them again. We find every kind of business overdone, 
and our prospects for realizing anything like a fair remunera- 
tion for our sacrifices of time, comfort and Domestic Happiness, 
in a most gloomy condition. Yet I do not despair or repine, and 
hope to do something before returning. 

Having to purchase so many horses on the way my funds have 
been greatly reduced and we have only been able to bring in 28 
out of 83 mules and horses which we have had on the way and 
they are in no condition for market. Have them on a Ranch 20 

69 The Sierra Nevada mountain range extends north and south for over 
400 miles and serves as the eastern boundary of California. 

80 Used supplies could be purchased from mining camps in the Sacramento 
Valley, but the prices were high. 

Reuben Knox Letters 269 

miles from Sacramento to recruit. 61 I am here to look after our 
goods which have not arrived yet. Richard and Joseph are at 
Sac, Henry and Reuben with two of my men at the mines where 
I shall go in two or three days. Have hired the negroes tem- 
porarily in Sac. Hunter will make from 8 to 10 dollars per day ; 
Lewis 3 or 4, George $100 per month, Sarah $10 per week, and 
Fred $1.00 per day. We are keeping bachelor's hall there yet, 
and shall probably board ourselves as rooms are difficult to pro- 
cure and most high. Do not know what Frank will do yet. Will 
write you more fully when we get fairly settled. Mrs. Dr. Tibbets 
came here yesterday. They have been with us most of the way. 
She looks quite thin. Cousin Ellen is quite well and much more 
fleshy than when you saw her. Mr. Tiffany is entirely restored 
mind and body and will return 1st Nov., having made about 
$100,000 during the year he has been here. He says if Cousin 
Samuel was here now he could give him his practice, worth at 
least $1,000 per week, with the same facilities for realizing a 
fortune in speculation that he has had. He is in fine spirits. 

I have no letters except yours and two on business since my 
arrival. Shall write to St. Louis, Blandford, and Jacksonville by 
this mail. I regret very much that I could not send you earlier 
intelligence of our safety as I fear the news, so current here, of 
having been drowned in the Humboldt may have reached you, 
but I hope it has not as you have trials enough to encounter 
without having your mind distressed with such reports. It was 
also currently reported along the road that I had died in Salt 
Lake City, and I was often told of it on our way to overtake our 
wagons. Such reports ever make me feel very sad, and I hope 
they have not reached you. But I must quit, prepare to be off 
in the boat and finish this with my answer to "my dear little 
darling daughters" letter to Sacramento where I hope in a day 
or two to inform you of the reception of your next which I trust 
is very near at this moment. Bye, bye my dearest for the present. 

Monday morning, September 23rd. 

I was quite suddenly attacked with distress in my stomach 
and bowels after writing the above and did not go up to Sacra- 
mento as I anticipated. Have now gotten better and shall go 
this evening. The mail steamer is in and if I receive your letter 
I shall write you, and send this line by this mail. 62 If not, by the 
next which leaves the middle of Oct. 

Franklin has concluded to remain here for the present and 
Try His Luck In painting. I hope and believe he will do well 

61 Knox placed the animals at the Novata Ranch, of which he writes 

M Part of the mail to and from California was sent by way of Central 
America and part of it was carried around the Strait of Magellan. 

270 The North Carolina Historical Review 

after his activities are known, as I am sure they must be ap- 
preciated here and elsewhere. He appears in fine spirits and talks 
more of his future plans and wishes than he has been in the 
habit of doing heretofore. [He] does not relinquish the idea of 
visiting Italy and other parts of Europe, and will be greatly 
stimulated in business I think with the hope of raising the 
Wherewith to gratify that desire. He is in the most perfect 
and robust health you can imagine, and has been greatly im- 
proved Physically by his mountain life and exposure. His 
constitution is capable of great endurance and nothing seems to 
injure him. 

You need never pay any postage on letters sent here. 63 

The citrate of iron for the children may be mixed one grain 
to each teaspoonful of water or Betty takes a teaspoonful or 
nearly full three or four times a day. Augustus about teaspoon- 
ful. The common carbonate of iron, that is powder, mixed with 
a little ginger sometimes answers a better purpose. Give what 
will lie on the point of a beaker (3 or 4 grains) or syrup. For 
yourself, dear, I trust you will need no prescription. Some iron 
and Blue Mass Pills I think you have on hand which I think the 
best for you if debilitated. You can take citrate of iron if weak 
or feeble, or 4 grains to the dose mixed in any convenient or 
palatable vehicle. The Iodide of iron as mixed in Butt's Com- 
pound Extract or Sandy's 64 would be good for little James Bryan 
or the citrate of Iron as mixed for Betty and given in doses of 
1 to 2 teaspoonfuls. Bathing the swollen part freely in whiskey 
and salt would be of service. 

And, my dear, I must go out, attend to some business and get 
ready to be off for Sacramento. 

Much love to all our Carolina friends. Tell Sister Susan a letter 
from her would be most welcome, and tell Mother that she must 
dictate if not write a much longer message the next time. I want 
to hear a great deal and that right often from her. 

Ever Yrs. 

Reuben Knox 

[to be concluded'] 

63 The receiver of mail paid the postage charge at the time Knox wrote 
these letters. 

61 Medicines of the type mentioned (ready-compounded) later were called 
"patent medicines." 

By William S. Powell* 

Bibliography and Libraries 

Galvin, Hoyt Rees. The small public library building, by 
Hoyt R. Galvin and Martin Van Buren. [Paris,] UNESCO, 
[1959]. 133 p. $2.00. 

Johnson, Elmer Douglass. Of time and Thomas Wolfe, a 
bibliography with a character index of his works. New York, 
The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1959. 226 p. $5.00. 

Ross, Leola Myrick. Guide to North Carolina's periodical 
literature, a cumulative author and subject index covering 
material in North Carolina publications from January 1955 
thru December 1957, by Leola Myrick Ross and Paul S. Bal- 
lance. Winston-Salem, The Editors, 1959. 157 p. $5.00. 

Thornton, Mary Lindsay. A bibliography of North Carolina, 
1589-1956. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 
1958. 597 p. $7.50. 

Philosophy and Religion 

Cheatham, Thaddeus Ainsby. Our radiant religion, sermons, 
edited with a foreword by Elizabeth Cheatham Carter. [Pine- 
hurst, Mrs. Hugh Carter, 1958.] 143 p. 

COOK, Ervin S. Between two worlds. New York, Exposition 
Press, 1958, 88 p. $2.75. 

Eads, Wayne O. How to become a man alive! [Charlotte?] 
Scientific Training Institute, 1958. 203 p. $3.50. 

Evans, B. Hoyt. Programs for young people. Grand Rapids, 
Mich., Baker Book House, 1959. 106 p. $1.50. 

Fairly, John L. Using the Bible to answer questions children 
ask, by John L. and Arleene Gilmer Fairly. Richmond, John 
Knox Press, 1958. 99 p. $2.00. 

Gardner, Eugene Norfleet. Always the ten commandments. 
Grand Rapids, Mich., Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1959. 
86 p. $2.00. 

Gibson, John Mendinghall. Soldiers of the Word, the story 
of the American Bible Society. New York, Philosophical Li- 
brary, 1958. 204 p. $6.75. 

1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published 
during the year ending June 30, 1959. 

* Mr. William S. Powell is Librarian of the North Carolina Collection, 
University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 


272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Jenkins, Mark. Historical sketch of Calvary Episcopal Church. 

Fletcher, Calvary Parish, 1959. 30 p. $.50. 
Lacy, Mary Lou. A woman wants God. Richmond, John Knox 

Press, 1959. 80 p. $2.00. 
Seay, Gordon. One drink away. Charlotte, Heritage House, 

1958. 137 p. $1.25. 

Shepherd, Massey Hamilton. Holy Communion, an anthology 

of Christian devotion. Greenwich, Conn., Seabury Press, 1959. 

162 p. $3.00. 
Stealey, Sydnor Lorenzo, editor. A Baptist treasury. New 

York, Crowell, 1958. 323 p. $3.95. 
Stoffel, Ernest Lee. The strong comfort of God. Richmond, 

John Knox Press, 1958. 159 p. $3.50. 

Economics and Sociology 

Carter, Clyde Cass. State regulation of commercial motor 
carriers in North Carolina, Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press, 1958. 210 p. $5.00. 

Crook, Roger H. No South or North. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 

1959. 121 p. $2.50. 

Hill, Reuben. The family and population control, a Puerto 
Rican experiment in social change, by Reuben Hill, J. Mayone 
Stycos, and Kurt W. Back. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press, 1959. 481 p. $8.00. 

Hunter, Floyd. Top leadership, U. S. A. Chapel Hill, Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1959. 268 p. $6.00. 

Larson, Arthur. What we are for. New York, Harper, 1959. 
173 p. $2.95. 

Lee, Robert Earl. North Carolina law of trusts. Winston- 
Salem, College Book Store, Wake Forest College, 1958. 147 p. 

Loutrel, Anna Gregson. A constitution for the brotherhood 
of man, the United Communities bill and how it came to be 
written. New York, Greenwich Book Publishers, 1957. 30 p. 

Mouzon, Olin Terrill. International resources and national 
policy. New York, Harper, 1959. 752 p. $7.50. 

Riley, Jack. Carolina Power & Light Company, 1908-1958. 
Raleigh, [Carolina Power & Light Co.?], 1958. 338 p. $5.00. 

Scheer, Julian. Tweetsie, the Blue Ridge stemwinder, by 
Julian Scheer and Elizabeth McD. Black. Charlotte, Heritage 
House, 1958. 51 p. $2.95. 

Tumin, Melvin M. Desegregation: resistance and readiness. 
Princeton, N. J., Princeton University Press, 1958. 270 p. 

North Carolina Bibliography 273 

West, Robert Frederick. Light beyond shadows, a minister 
and mental health. New York, Macmillan, 1959. 160 p. $3.75. 


Boehm, George A. W. The new world of math, by George 

A. W. Boehm and the editors of Fortune. New York, Dial 

Press, 1959. 128 p. $2.50. 
Brown, Clair Alan. Vegetation of the Outer Banks of North 

Carolina. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 

1959. 179 p. $3.00. 
Burlage, Henry Matthew. Index of plants of North Carolina 

with reputed medicinal uses, by Marion Lee Jacobs and Henry 

M. Burlage. [no place, authors?, 1958] 322 p. $7.50. 
Honigmann, John Joseph. The world of man. New York, 

Harper, 1959. 971 p. $7.50. 
Rounds, Glen. Wildlife at your doorstep. Englewood Cliffs, 

N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1958. 115 p. $3.00. 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Alexander, Marguerite. Kir sty's secrets, a yearly round of 

Scottish fare. Winston-Salem, J. F. Blair, 1958. 210 p. $3.75. 
George, Claude Swanson. Management in industry. Englewood 

Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1959. 585 p. $10.00. 
Laurinburg Junior Service League. Bonnie fare cook book. 

Laurinburg, Junior Service League, 1958. 128 p. $2.00. 
Wardlaw, Jack. Inside secrets of selling, find a need and fill 

it. New York, Fleet Publishing Corporation, 1958. 171 p. $3.50. 

Fine Arts 

Dilley, Romilda. Drawing women's fashions. New York, Wat- 
son-Guptill Publications, 1959. 149 p. $9.75. 

Newman, William Stein. The sonata in the baroque era. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1959. [Copy- 
right, 1958.] 448 p. $8.00. 


Daly, Betty Miller. As a woman thinketh. Charlotte, Heritage 

House, 1958. 69 p. $2.00. 
Daly, Roswald Bernard. The phoenix : a physician's soliloquy. 

Charlotte, Heritage House, 1958. 74 p. $2.00. 
Dargan, Olive Tilford. The spotted hawk. 2 Winston-Salem, 

J. F. Blair, 1958. 128 p. $3.00. 

"Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Award for poetry, 1959. 

274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Erskine, Edith Deaderick. This day: this hour. Atlanta, 

Banner Press, 1959. 50 p. $2.00. 
Galloway, Carl Wilson. This is my country. Graham, [Aut- 
hor?]. 1959. 48 p. 
Littleton, Tucker R. Shore songs. New York, Exposition 

Press, 1959. Ill p. $3.00. 
Noe, Alexander Constantine Davis. Above the rim, and other 

poems for inspiration and use. New York, Exposition Press, 

1959. 128 p. $3.50. 
Rogers, Susan Erskine. The captured elf and other verses. 

New York, Vantage Press, 1958. 75 p. $2.50. 
Ward, Vernon Albert, Jr. Of dust and stars. New York. 

Exposition Press, 1958. 127 p. $3.00. 
Winstead, Opal. Torch of wonder. Charlotte, Heritage House, 

1959. 62 p. $2.00. 
Wray, Augusta. Engravings on sand. Charlotte, Poets Press, 

1959. 53 p. $2.00. 
Young, Charlotte. Speak to us of love. Atlanta, Banner Press, 

1959. 60 p. $2.50. 


Green, Paul Eliot. The Confederacy, a symphonic outdoor 
drama based on the life of General Robert E. Lee. New York, 
S. French, 1959. 123 p. $1.50. 

Wings for to fly. New York, S. French, 1959. 77 p. 


Fiction 3 

Bahnson, Agnew Hunter, Jr. The stars are too high. New 

York, Random House, 1959. 250 p. $3.95. 
Barry, Jane. The Carolinians. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1959. 318 p. $3.95. 
Bell, Thelma Harrington. Captain Ghost. 4 New York, Viking 

Press, 1959. 191 p. $2.75. 
Blythe, LeGette. Call down the storm. New York, Holt, 1958. 

320 p. $3.95. 
Burgwyn, Mebane Holoman. Hunter's hideout. Philadelphia, 

J. B. Lippincott Co., 1959. 160 p. $2.75. 
Carroll, Ruth Robinson. Tough Enough and Sassy, by Ruth 

and Latrobe Carroll. New York, H. Z. Walck, 1958. 63 p. 


3 By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 

4 Winner of the AAUW Award for juvenile literature, 1959. 

North Carolina Bibliography 275 

Carson, Pat Strawbridge. Prelude to forever, a novel of the 
Cape Hatteras country. New York, Greenwich Book Publish- 
ers, 1958. 240 p. $3.50. 

Frankel, Ernest. Band of brothers. 5 New York, Macmillan, 
1958. 360 p. $4.50. 

Hardy, William M. A little sin. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1958. 
186 p. $2.95. 

Harrison, Crane Blossom. The odd one. Boston, Little, Brown, 
1958. 269 p. $3.00. 

Henderson, Le Grand. The tomb of the Mayan king, by Le 
Grand [pseud.} New York, Holt, 1958. 192 p. $3.00. 

Kerry, Lois. Love song for Joyce. New York, Funk & Wagnalls, 

1958. 244 p. $2.95. 

Koch, Dorothy Clarke. Let it rain. New York, Holiday House, 

1959. [30] p. $2.95. 

When the cows got out. New York, Holiday House, 

1958. [31] p. $2.50. 

Nolan, Jeannette Covert. Dolley Madison. New York, Mess- 

ner, 1958. 192 p. $2.95. 
Powell, Talmage. The smasher. New York, Macmillan, 1959. 

148 p. $2.95. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The deadly lady of Madagascar, 

by C. V. Terry [pseud.]. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1959. 

264 p. $3.75. 
The thorn of Arimathea. Garden City, N. Y., Dou- 
bleday, 1959. 317 p. $3.95. 
Street, Julia Montgomery. Moccasin tracks. New York, Dodd, 

Mead, 1958. $3.00. 
Walser, Richard Gaither, editor. Short stories from the Old 

North State. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 

1959. 288 p. $5.00. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. The ghost battalion, a story of the 
Iron Scouts. New York, Ives Washburn, 1958. 173 p. $2.75. 

Ride, Rebels ! Adventures of the Iron Scouts. New 

York, Ives Washburn, 1959. 180 p. $2.95. 

Wright, Dare. Holiday for Edith and the bears. Garden City, 
N. Y., Doubleday, 1958. [53] p. $2.50. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction 

Baum, Paul F. Chaucer, a critical appreciation. Durham, Duke 

University Press, 1958. 229 p. $6.00. 
Bond, Richmond Pugh, editor. New letters to the Tatler and 

Spectator. Austin, University of Texas Press, 1958. 232 p. 


"Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1959. 

276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Gross, Fannie. Shakespeare quiz book, 2000 questions and 
answers on all of Shakespeare's plays. New York, Crowell, 
1959. 215 p. $2.95. 

Sharpe, Robert Boies. Irony in the drama, an essay on imper- 
sonation, shock, and catharsis. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press, 1959. 222 p. $5.00. 


Hall, Lewis Phillip. Marriage notices, obituaries and items of 
genealogical interest in The Cape Fear Recorder, The Peoples 
Press and The Wilmington Advertiser from Aug. 26, 1829 
to Dec. 24, 1833 (abstracted). [Wilmington, Author?, 1958] 
27 p. $2.50. 

McElwee, Pinckney G. Geneology [sic] of Shadrack Barnes 
of Rowan County, North Carolina, a soldier in the Revolution- 
ary War. Washington, [Author?], 1958. 197 p. 

History and Travel 

Brawley, James Shober. Old Rowan: views and sketches. 

[Salisbury, Rowan Printing Co., 1959] 31 p. $2.00. 
Brown, Marvin Luther, editor and translator. American in- 
dependence through Prussian eyes. Durham, Duke University 

Press, 1959. 216 p. $5.00. 
Corbitt, David Leroy. Pictures of the Civil War period in 

North Carolina. Raleigh, State Department of Archives and 

History, 1958. 82 p. $.25. 
Craven, Avery Odelle. Civil War in the making, 1815-1860. 

Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1959. 115 p. 

Davis, Burke. To Appomattox, nine April days, 1865. 6 New 

York, Rinehart, 1959. 433 p. $4.50. 
Dunbar, Gary S. Historical geography of the North Carolina 

Outer Banks. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 

1958. 234 p. $3.00. 
Haag, William George. The archeology of coastal North Caro- 
lina. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1958. 

136 p. $3.00. 
Hobbs, Samuel Huntington. North Carolina, an economic 

and social profile. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 

Press, 1958. 380 p. $6.00. 
Hoffmann, William Stephany. Andrew Jackson and North 

Carolina politics. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 

Press, 1958. 134 p. $2.50. 

"Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1959. 

North Carolina Bibliography 277 

Johnson, Gerald White. The lines are drawn. Philadelphia, 
Lippincott, 1958. 224 p. $4.95. 

Lefler, Hugh Talmage. North Carolina, History, Geography, 
Government. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N. Y., World Book Com- 
pany, 1959. 530 p. $4.08. 

Pasquotank Historical Society. Year Book, edited by John 
Elliott Wood. Volume 2. [Elizabeth City? Pasquotank Histori- 
cal Society? 1958?] 324 p. $4.50. 

Powell, William Stevens, editor. Ye countie of Albemarle in 
Carolina, a collection of documents, 1664-1675. Raleigh, State 
Department of Archives and History, 1958. 101 p. $3.00. 

Stephenson, Grace White. We came home to Warren Place, 
by Grace and Gilbert Stephenson. Raleigh, Alfred Williams, 

1958. 182 p. $3.95. 

Stick, David. The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 1584-1958. 

Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1958. 352 p. 

Tucker, Glenn. High tide at Gettysburg, the campaign in 

Pennsylvania. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1958. 462 p. $5.00. 
Walker, Alexander McDonald. New Hanover County Court 

Minutes, 1738-1769. Bethesda, Md., Author, 1958, 1959. 2 

vols. $5.00 ea. 
Wellman, Manly Wade. They took their stand, the founders 

of the Confederacy. New York, Putnam, 1959. $4.50. 
Whitener, Daniel Jay. North Carolina history. Oklahoma 

City, Harlow Publishing Co., 1958. 291 p. $3.75. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Bernheim, Molly. A sky of my own. New York, Rinehart, 

1959. 252 p. $3.95. 

Burger, Nash K. Leonidas Polk of the Southwest. New York, 

National Council [of the Protestant Episcopal Church], 1959. 

22 p. $.25. 
Current, Richard Nelson. The Lincoln nobody knows. New 

York, McGraw-Hill, 1958. 314 p. $5.50. 
Fletcher, Harold H. Faith of a salesman. Charlotte, Heritage 

Printers, 1959. 53 p. $2.00. 
Fletcher, Inglis Clark. Pay, pack, and follow, the story of 

my life. New York, Holt, 1959. 308 p. $4.50. 
Quincy, Bob. Choo, Choo, the Charlie Justice story, by Bob 

Quincy and Julian Scheer. Chapel Hill, Bentley Publishing 

Co., 1958. 132 p. $3.95. 
Royall, Margaret Shaw. Andrew Johnson — presidential 

scapegoat. New York, Exposition Press, 1958. 175 p. $3.50. 

278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Sea well, Herbert Floyd, Jr. Sir Walter, the Earl of Chatham, 
or call your next case. Charlotte, Heritage House, 1959. 218 p. 

Thornburg, Miles 0. The thread of my life. Charlotte, William 
Loftin Publishers, 1958. 157 p. $2.75. 

Winslow, Margaret Davis. A gift from grandmother. Raleigh 
[Privately published, printed by Edwards and Broughton], 
1958. 90 p. 

Yates, Richard Edwin. The Confederacy and Zeb Vance. Tus- 
caloosa, Ala., Confederate Publishing Co., 1958. 132 p. $4.00. 

New Editions and Reprints 

Beale, Howard Kennedy. The critical year, a study of Andrew 
Johnson and Reconstruction. New York, F. Ungar Publishing 
Co., 1958. 454 p. $5.00. 

Ehle, John Marsden. The survivor. New York, Pyramid 
Books, 1959. 192 p. $.35. 

Haywood, John. The natural and aboriginal history of Ten- 
nessee. Jackson, Tennessee, McCowat-Mercer Press, 1959. 
438 p. $20.00. 

Haywood, Marshall De Lancey. Governor William Tryon, 
and his administration in the province of North Carolina, 
1765-1771. Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton, 1958. 223 p. $5.00. 

Johnston, Frances Benjamin. The early architecture of 
North Carolina, by Frances Benjamin Johnston and Thomas T. 
Waterman. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 
1958. 290 p. $15.00. 

Maurice, George H. Daniel Boone in North Carolina. Eagle 
Springs, Privately printed, 1959. 31 p. $2.25. 

Scheer, George Fabian. Rebels and redcoats, by George F. 
Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin. New York, New American Li- 
brary, 1959. 639 p. $.75. 

Throop, George Higby. Nag's Head and Bertie . . . with an 
an introduction by Richard Walser. Charlotte, Heritage House, 

1958. 180, 242 p. $4.95. 

Tracy, Don. Cherokee. New York, Pocket Books, 1958. 344 p. 

On the midnight tide. New York, Pocket Books, 

1959. 346 p. $.35. 

Wicker, Tom. The devil must. New York, Popular Library, 

1959. 219 p. $.35. 
Wolfe, Thomas Clayton. Look Homeward, Angel. London, 

Heinemann, 1958. 613 p. 21 s. 
Schau heimwarts, Engel! [Hamburg, Germany], 

Rowohlt, 1958. 452 p. DM 3.30. 

Selected letters of Thomas Wolfe. Edited ... by 

Elizabeth Nowell. London, Heinemann, 1958. 25 s. 


Our Medical Heritage: A History of Medicine in Robeson 
County. Prepared by the Robeson County Medical Auxiliary. 
(Lumberton: Robeson Office Supplies, Incorporated, 1959. 
Pp. 70.) 

This pamphlet, prepared by representatives from all sec- 
tion of the county as a co-operative venture, is divided into 
several disconnected parts. The major portions of the work 
consists of a series of brief biographical sketches of medical 
doctors who practiced in Robeson County. The sketches of the 
contemporary physicians are a uniform compilation similar to 
that seen in a medical directory; an attempt to present phy- 
sicians of earlier periods in a like manner has not met with 
complete success. Vital data— which, perhaps, could have 
been obtained from easily available sources such as grave 
markers, family genealogical material, medical school alumni 
records, and population censuses— is ofttimes missing. Near 
the middle of the pamphlet is a seven-page essay which 
briefly recounts the recent improvements made in hospital 
and public health facilities in the county, traces the develop- 
ment of the local medical organizations, and contrasts modern 
opportunities for medical care with those available to earlier 
generations. A minimum fee schedule developed by the 
county medical society early in the twentieth century is in- 
serted preceding an index of proper names at the end. 

While this pamphlet is in no true sense a formal history of 
medical practice in Robeson County, it does contain a tre- 
mendous amount of information essential to anyone attempt- 
ing to construct such a history. The Robeson County Medical 
Auxiliary is to be commended for carrying out this valuable 
work and it would seem appropriate for other county societies 
to develop similar programs. 

Edward W. Phifer, M.D. 

[279 ] 

280 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Travels in the Old South ; A Bibliography, Volume III, The Ante- 
Bellum South, 1825-1860, Cotton, Slavery, and Conflict. Edit- 
ed by Thomas D. Clark. (Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1959. Pp. xviii, 406. $10.00.) 

The usefulness of this extensive venture into the field of 
travel literature in the South has been ably set forth by re- 
viewers of Volumes I and II. Volume III probably contains 
more valid material concerning the contemporary South than 
either of the two preceding volumes. From 1825 to 1860 the 
South was a veritable mecca for foreign and native travelers. 
Attracted no doubt in part by the distorted and sensational 
reports circulated by abolitionists anent the slave system, no 
less than one hundred and fifty travelers penetrated the 
southern States between 1846 and 1852. They came, they saw, 
and then wrote a book. Many of these accounts should have 
been labeled, "Wayside Glimpses," a title fittingly bestowed 
on a travelogue by Lillian Foster. Several of the travelers 
spent months and even years in the South and then wrote 
books of high value to the researcher in social and economic 
history. Not much attention was given to politics. 

Volume III is divided into four parts. Part I: The Cotton 
South, 1826-1835, was prepared by James W. Patton; Part II: 
A Decade of Nationalism, 1836-1845, by Charles S. Sydnor; 
Part III: The Slavery South at Noontide, 1846-1852, by Rob- 
ert G. Lunde; and Part IV: The South in Sectional Crisis, 
1852-1860, by F. Garvin Davenport. 

There is evidence that each compiler searched diligently 
for fugitive books of travel. They certainly captured and di- 
gested all important travel books and also some which are 
not clearly in the category of travel. Any "travel steers which 
come wandering in" later need not detract from the scholarly 
character of this collaborative effort in the field of regional 

Travelers usually entered the South by way of Washington 
and Richmond. Those who completed the "grand tour" moved 
across North Carolina to Charleston, Savannah, Macon, Mil- 
ledgeville, Montgomery, Mobile, and New Orleans. After a 
sojourn in New Orleans, they ascended the Mississippi River 
by steamboat to St. Louis and Cincinnati. A few travelers 

Book Reviews 281 

toured in reverse order. A few left the beaten trail to penetrate 
the "dark corners" of the South. Due, however, to a lack of 
suitable accommodations the hinterlands were generally 

In the treatment of numerous narratives, guidebooks, and 
gazettes, the compilers have striven for objectivity. James W. 
Patton is, perhaps, somewhat more restrained in his judgments 
than Sydnor, Lunde, or Davenport. Davenport goes so far as 
to invite comparison with other and better books of travel in 
the same period, with frequent references to the writings of 
F. L. Olmsted. Indeed, Davenport's regard for Olmsted led 
him to devote more than twice as much space to a commen- 
tary on Olmsted's three books of southern travel as was ac- 
corded Sir Charles Lyell, Alexis de Toqueville, or any other 
major travel account. Here Professor Davenport ventures the 
interesting observation that Olmsted's mode of travel ( horse- 
back) caused him to view Southern people and institutions 
less charitably than he might have done had he not been 
exposed to the inconveniences, crudities, and the fatigue in- 
cident to wayfaring on horseback. 

As to nationalities represented, native Americans rank first, 
followed closely by the British. Next came the Germans, the 
French, and then a sprinkling of Austrians, Hungarians, 
Dutch, Swedes, Latin- Americans, and Swiss. 

What aspects of southern life interested the foreign travel- 
ers most? It appears that slavery made the foremost claim 
upon their attention. Many like de Toqueville came to study 
southern prisons; others were primarily interested in morals 
and manners, organized religion, colonization prospects (es- 
pecially in Texas), the climate, flora and fauna, and such 
places as Mammoth Cave, Mt. Vernon, and New Orleans. 
Many travelers left extended descriptions of riverboats. 

All in all, the travel books add up to a broad and revealing 
canvas of southern life from 1825-1860. Editor Clark and his 
associates have forever placed historians of the South im- 
measurably in debt to them by their outstanding achievement 
in assembling and digesting a prodigious amount of travel 
literature pertaining to the South. 

Rosser H. Taylor. 

Western Carolina College. 

282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This Is The South. Edited by Robert West Howard. (New York: 
Rand McNally & Company. 1959. Pp. 304. Introduction, illu- 
strations, appendix, and index. $6.00.) 

The editor, Robert W. Howard, has done a good job on 
this book consisting of a series of essays written by the fore- 
most contemporary writers of the South. For authenticity, 
for interesting narrative, and for scope one would have to 
search diligently for a better collection of essays. In addition 
to the editorial chores, Mr. Howard has penned an interesting 
essay— "Look Away." 

This book is divided into six parts. Part I consists of one 
essay, "The Clearings," by James M. Dobbs. He is concerned 
with the whole region composing the South. Part II contains 
articles on such characters as the Native, the Planter, the 
Cracker, the Negro, the Teacher, the Preacher, the Statesman, 
the Law, the Woman, the Doctor, and the Communicators. 
Each of these essays was written by a recognized southern 
authority. Weymouth Jordan is well acquainted with the 
southern planter, as is Thomas Clark with the country editor 
and the country merchant. Laurence C. Jones has done an 
excellent article on the Negro. The southern woman, as por- 
trayed by Celestine Sibley, is vastly different from the moon- 
light and magnolias portrait so often associated with the 
South. Aubrey Gates sees the doctor with his limited medical 
knowledge and his vast knowledge of people. 

Part III, "The Building," consists of only three essays. "The 
Trailmakers" by W. D. Workman shows how the West beck- 
oned to the restless, the land-hungry, and the venturesome. 
George H. Aull discusses King Cotton before whose despot- 
ism all agricultural enterprise quickly fell until the Civil War 
forced his abdication. Alexander Nunn maintains that World 
War I marks the break from the Old South to the New. 

Part IV, "The Folks," contains essays on the "Streets," 
"Kissing don't last: Cookery do," "Laughter is to Live," 
"Music's March," "Plantation Life," "River People, River 
Ways," "Sea Lure," "Camp Meeting," "Up the Branch," and 
"Crescent Coast." John Chase says that the foremost streets 
of the Old South were the Kings Highway, the Natchez Trace, 
and the Wilderness Road. Sallie Hill neglects romance to em- 

Book Reviews 283 

phasize cooking. She regrets that many of the Old South's 
tasty dishes have been lost. In "Laughter is to Live," Oren 
Arnold declares that nearly everything a southerner does or 
says is spiced with humor. Hugh McGanty's conclusion in 
"Music's March" is that southerners are a singing people. 
Philip Davidson writes with nostalgia about life on a southern 
plantation. Harnett Kane and Jesse Stuart have written about 
the southern folk with whom they are most familiar— river 
people and mountain dwellers. The lure of the sea by Robert 
Albion and "Crescent Coast" by Richard Dunlap discuss the 
people living along the coast who are in many instances of 
French or Spanish descent and how until recently southern- 
ers have not taken to the sea. In "Camp Meeting," Ross Free- 
man summarizes this purgatory of the southern frontier where 
life was viscious. 

Part V, "The Heritage," is composed of five essays: "Statues 
in the Squares," "Symphonic Outdoor Dramas," "The South- 
ern Family Today," "Tall Grass," and "The Job." According 
to Hodding Carter, statues in southern squares are symbols 
of gallantry in defeat, reminders of the South's past and con- 
stitute a goodly portion of her folk heritage. The Southeast, 
says Paul Green, is busy dramatizing its history. Rupert Vance 
traces the southern family as a social institution from its 
early frontier environment to its recent urban locale. Eugene 
Butler's essay on "Tall Grass" may be summarized by saying 
cotton has gone west, cattle have shifted east, Negroes have 
moved north and Yankees are moving south. J. W. Fanning 
in "The Job" shows that the value of southern manufacturing 
increased more than the national average since 1939 and 
that the gap between the per capita income of northerners 
and southerners is narrowing. 

Part VI, entitled "For Kissin' Cousins," is made up of Roy 
H. Park's essay on Eatin' Out. The author deals with the 
South's culinary achievements for which the area is certainly 

Much interesting southern history is found in this book. 

It is mostly social history, although economic, political and 

religious trends are not entirely neglected. Essayists, editor, 

and publisher have combined to produce an excellent book. 

George C. Osborn. 
University of Florida. 

284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

They Took Their Stand: The Founders of the Confederacy. By 
Manly Wade Wellman. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 
1959. Pp. 258. Foreword, notes, bibliography, and index. 

In this book Chapel Hill writer and historian Manly Wade 
Wellman has written a popular account of the first months 
of the Confederacy. Beginning with the execution of John 
Brown— which, through an unfortunate typographical error, 
was dated 1869— he tells the story of secession, the formation 
of the Confederacy at Montgomery, Fort Sumter, and the 
first battle at Manassas Junction. The book is replete with the 
usual trappings of popular history— personal anecdotes, diary 
entries, and references to trivial incidents. Despite these in- 
teresting sidelights, however, the men of the Confederacy 
do not appear as living creatures. Rather, they seem men 
without mission or purpose. 

In his Ode to the Confederate Dead, Allen Tate says that 
the soldiers of the Old South knew why they fought and why 
they died, but that the moderns do not even know why they 
live. If this book is typical, modern southerners also do not 
know why the Confederates lived or died. We learn that they 
courted and conversed brilliantly, that their fashions in dress 
and in deed were charming, their social arrangements chival- 
ric. But we do not learn any serious purpose for their lives. 
That, at the inauguration, a woman dug her parasol into 
President Davis' back to attract his attention, or that, before 
the battle, Edmund Ruffin ate gingerbread nuts, are engaging 
asides. But surely the Confederacy was more important than 
this— or a third of a million dead were fools indeed. 

Popularization of the past is of supreme importance if 
people are to understand the present. But it must be a signif- 
icant popularization, or they know less about the past and 
the present than before. Facts without significance are like 
mileposts without miles; they look nice but they never get 
anywhere. In much of the history written in the style of the 
New Popularizers— and the Civil War seems to be their fav- 
orite bowling alley at present— the leaves of the trees conceal 
not only the forest, but also the trees as well. 

David L. Smiley. 

Wake Forest College. 

Book Reviews 285 

The Confederacy. Edited by Albert D. Kirwan. (New York: 
Meridian Books, Inc. 1959. Meridian Documents of American 
History. Pp. 320. $1.45, paper.) 

"Neglected in song and story, the civilian and the life he 
led must be studied if we would understand the Confed- 

Taken from Professor Kirwan's trenchant introduction to 
one of the first books published in a projected multivolume 
series aimed at showing America's past through the writings 
of those who lived it, the above assertion will probably be 
accepted as offering sufficient justification for this documen- 
tary exploration of conditions behind the lines in the Con- 
federate States. 

The format used is unlike the traditional approach to docu- 
mentary studies in that effort is made to piece together a con- 
tinuous story within the framework of each major topic bear- 
ing upon political, diplomatic, economic, and social aspect 
of life in the Confederacy. More is told than usual about the 
writers of the documents, and the task of interpretation is 
left altogether to the reader. Kirwan employs this novel tech- 
nique so skillfully that a compelling picture of life in the 
South is revealed through the contemporary accounts left by 
J. B. Jones, T. C. De Leon, Mary Boykin Chesnut, J. D. B. De 
Bow, and many others. 

Despite the general editor's statement that Kirwan has 
drawn upon "a variety of fresh sources," practically all of 
the commentary is extracted from printed materials well 
known to students of the Confederacy. Fifty-five of the 143 
items used in the eleven chapters are taken from the Official 
Records, including 13 of the 14 cited in that about "The Fifth 
Column." The bibliography is fairly complete although this 
reviewer thought it rather singular that Kirwan should not 
have included therein a source— Kate Stone's Brokenburn— 
from which he quotes at some length in five of his chapters. 
There is a good index. 

Both publisher and editor deserve commendation for their 
endeavor to present documents interestingly and inexpen- 
sively. Readers not previously familiar with the materials set 
forth in this volume will discover that those writing about 

286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

civilians in the Confederacy sometimes fail to portray the full 
drama of life behind the lines. Too often the synthesis is but 
a pale reflection of the real story. The collection should appeal 
particularly to undergraduates and general readers. 

H. H. Cunningham. 
Elon College. 

Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders. By 
Ezra J. Warner. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University 
Press. 1959. Pp. xxvii, 420. $7.50.) 

A recent advertisement appearing in a nationally known 
magazine announced, in conspicuous print, a series of "hand 
colored reproductions of Confederate Generals— famous civil 
war heroes Lee, Jackson, Stuart and Pickett in the full splen- 
dor of their original uniforms." Following a radiant descrip- 
tion was an incidental notice that similar pictures of four 
Yankee generals were "also available," presumably at the 
same price. 

What is there about the Confederate commanders that in- 
flames the imagination— and enslaves biographers? Why 
should Pickett, who is famous only for his failures, and A. P. 
Hill, who never matured as a corps commander, command 
greater attention than Sedgwick or Hancock, two of Grant's 
most successful generals? The late Douglas Southall Freeman 
wrote three exciting volumes about Lee's lieutenants; the 
only comparable work for the Union side is Bruce Catton s 
trilogy, which concentrates upon the Army of the Potomac 
rather than its leaders. Is the shift in emphasis significant? 

Now we have Generals in Gray, a formidable book of bio- 
graphical sketches of the general officers of the Confederacy 
—all 425 of them. This has been obviously a labor of love, for 
in addition to tracing the Civil War career of each, the author 
has spent ten years corresponding with their descendants, 
ransacking newspaper files, tracking down photographs and 
searching family records to establish the salient facts of their 
personal lives, particularly dates of birth and death, military 
ranks, and the present places of burial. 

Book Reviews 287 

Much of this information will be of interest primarily to 
the "buff," who will be fascinated by the summary of facts 
about some of the lesser known generals— men like Frank 
Crawford Armstrong, who fought as a Union officer at Bull 
Run and subsequently entered Confederate service as a 
colonel; Franklin Gardner, whose father served as a clerk in 
the Treasury Department in Washington throughout the 
war; Victor Jean Baptiste Girardey, jumped from captain to 
brigadier general for his work in repelling the Union assault 
on the Crater; and James Dearing, mortally wounded in a 
pistol duel with a Union general. Conceivably the book can 
even serve as a guide to those extreme enthusiasts who may 
wish to make a pilgrimage to the last resting place of their 

But Generals in Gray can also serve a more useful purpose. 
It is a unique reference work, the introduction contains some 
provocative statistics and generalizations, and the bibliogra- 
phy is extensive. But while the book reveals many unvarnish- 
ed facts about the Confederate generals, it obviously cannot 
determine what made them tick. Like many recent books on 
the Civil War, therefore, while it adds to our knowledge it 
fails to contribute to our understanding of the conflict. 

Jay Luvaas. 
Allegheny College. 

Vicksburg: A People at War, 1860-1865. By Peter F. Walker. 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1960. 
Pp. xvi, 235. $5.00.) 

". . . It was from the river that the city drew its life." And 
from the river came its death. Vicksburg is first presented in 
its days of vigor and prosperity. Professor Walker acquaints 
the reader intimately with the city, from its citizens down to 
the cobblestones of Jackson and Washington streets. The city 
derived its cosmopolitan air from the river and from its size- 
able element of foreign born. In fact, with its Unionist senti- 
ments and its more national economic interests, the city was 
almost foreign to its State; a doorway to cotton country. 

288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Having introduced the city, the author chronicles the early 
events of the war and their impact upon the civilian popula- 
tion. As the war progresses, the city ridded itself of the faint- 
hearted and of many of its illusions. As the joint forces of 
enemy closed upon Vicksburg, severing its normal means of 
sustenance and intercourse, "war rot" appeared. Black mar- 
kets, the shortage of food, and cotton smuggling ate into the 
city's moral fibre and eroded its will to resist. The end did not 
come suddenly, but the last few days dragged on, with hope 
periodically poking its head inside the siege lines to tantalize 
the occupants. It was then that a little girl could cry, "I's so 
'fraid God's killed too!" On July 4, 1863, the people came out 
of their "rat-holes," but the city as they had known it was 

This book goes far in supplying the "other" side of the 
Vicksburg story. In Walker's account military operations 
rather than civilian life are used as the background. The 
author has a readable, almost aphoristic style. He is sensitive 
to the drama of his subject and uses his sources effectively to 
provide the alternating moods of those times. Because of the 
nature of the sources, the book fails to enter the city council 
and to give the account of the siege from the vantage point 
of the chief officials. Pemberton and Martin L. Smith, the 
two most important inhabitants of war-time Vicksburg, re- 
main shadows. The section devoted to Vicksburg after the 
surrender lacks the close treatment and concern that the 
earlier sections enjoyed. 

Vicksburg stands as a fresh and invigorating entry in Civil 
War historiography. This study's civilian approach coupled 
with its appropriate style make it valuable for the Civil War 
historian. Moreover, the human drama of that "high tragedy 
... on those hills overlooking the Mississippi" will have a 
general appeal. Its theme, unlike Grant's generalship, is 

N. C. Hughes, Jr. 

Webb School. 

Book Reviews 289 

The Military Legacy of the Civil War : The European Inherit- 
ance. By Jay Luvaas. (Chicago: The University of Chicago 
Press. 1959. Pp. 253. Preface, illustrations, appendixes, and 
index. $5.95.) 

This is the first of a projected three-volume series dealing 
with the military legacy of the War Between the States. 
Succeeding volumes will relate in turn to the American in- 
heritance and to naval warfare. 

Judged by the first volume, much is promised from this 
series, which was suggested, the author states, by Theodore 
Ropp of Duke University. If one wants to know what contri- 
butions to the art of war the European armies discovered 
in the campaigns of Lee and Jackson, Sherman and Grant, 
and other generals who led in this most spectacular of con- 
flicts, there is no better place to seek them than in this volume. 

While not lengthy, it is convincing in its grasp and tho- 
roughness. The nndings of the European observers who ac- 
companied the northern and southern armies, and of the 
newspaper correspondents and historical writers of the next 
half-century, are evaluated ably. Few if any books of the 
present day have shown as impressive an understanding of 
military practices— of armaments, equipment, the employ- 
ment of the artillery and cavalry arms, and the host of other 
things that went to make up the science of death and destruc- 
tion in the last half of the nineteenth century— as has this 
volume written with such admirable sureness. 

The only question is whether the subject deserves such a 
talented examination. The answer must await the completed 
project of the three volumes. One wishes that then the author 
will turn to broader areas. This book will be relished by ob- 
servers of the evolution of warfare, by professors of military 
schools, studious army officers, and Civil War buffs of ad- 
vanced standing. For the casual and average fan who wants 
to hear the sabers clash and see the infantry march across 
the fields, who is more interested in a narration of events than 
an analysis of methods, the book will perhaps prove too 

Among his competent appraisals the author has discussed 
the influence of the writings of Lieut.-Col. G. F. R. Henderson 

290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of the British army, best known as the biographer of Stone- 
wall Jackson. One is impressed with the solid scholarship and 
background preparedness possessed not only by Henderson, 
but also by other European writers of this war— Sir Frederick 
Maurice, Justus Scheibert, Field Marshall Sir Garnet Wolse- 
ley, the Count of Paris, Captain de Thomasson, among them. 
The saber-swinging Heros von Borcke, in his bugle-call 
Memoirs, idolatrous of Jeb Stuart, serves to show how the 
eddies of influence spread. In World War II an American 
soldier picked up on a battlefield a copy of the Memoirs that 
had been studied and cherished in his youth by a German 
general. The general's name: Erwin Rommel. 

While Luvaas, a Professor of History at Allegheny College, 
Pennsylvania, has written a book for the post-graduate, it 
will last for a long time. 

Glenn Tucker. 

Flat Rock. 

They Who Fought Here. Text by Bell Irvin Wiley, illustrations 
selected by Hirst D. Milhollen. (New York: The Macmillan 
Company. 1959. Pp. vii, 273. $10.00.) 

Only a person with very strong will power will be able to 
resist the temptation to rush through this book page by page 
enjoying and studying the interesting, the pathetic and heart- 
rending pictures which illustrate it. They are taken from many 
sources; the originals are contemporary drawings and paint- 
ings, daguerreotypes, and photographs. There also are a few 
pictures of objects from modern museums. They depict war 
at its grimmest as well as during its lighter moments. There 
are posed pictures and candid shots, but perhaps the most 
appealing is a portrait of a beautifully groomed but sad-faced 
little girl which was found on a battlefield between the bodies 
of a Federal and a Confederate soldier. 

Professor Wiley's text takes no sides. Chapters devoted to 
such topics as "Joining Up," rations, clothing and shelter, 
weapons, diversions, crime and punishment, morals and re- 
ligion, and the sick and wounded tell in a very straightfor- 
ward way what the soldiers on both sides did in many situa- 

Book Reviews 291 

tions and how they were treated by their superior officers as 
well as by their governments. Many of their complaints and 
much of their treatment will sound familiar to the veteran of 
World War II. The author's knowledge of the diaries and 
letters, as well as the official records, of the men about whom 
he writes enables him to bring into his account many details 
and accounts of a personal nature. 

Ample picture credits are given, but there is no biblio- 
graphy or index. 

William S. Powell. 

University of North Carolina. 

The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, Volume I. Edited by Leonard 
W. Labaree; Whitfield J. Bell Jr., Associate Editor. (New 
Haven: Yale University Press. 1959. Pp. lxxxviii, 400. $7.50.) 

With this volume the long-heralded new edition of The 
Papers of Benjamin Franklin is formally christened. It may be 
said initially that all expectations are met in full. 

The first of some forty projected volumes, the current work 
covers but the first twenty-eight years of Franklin's life ( 1706- 
1734). Its contents include legal documents and records, 
newspaper pieces, pamphlets, and handbills, as well as all of 
Franklin's correspondence which survives for this period. 

Concerned largely with Franklin's early efforts as printer, 
journalist, and businessman, this volume will be of especial 
value to scholars of the colonial period for the material it 
offers on the printing trade in early eighteenth-century 
America and for the insight it affords into the conversational 
concerns and social mores of Philadelphia society in the 1720's 
and '30's, as such are reflected in Franklin's efforts for the 
American Weekly Mercury and Pennsylvania Gazette. For 
the general reader the present volume will provide interest 
primarily on two grounds : the entertainment inherent in cer- 
tain of its more famous pieces and the chance it affords to 
become better acquainted with a most versatile and engaging 

In this volume are to be found Franklin's famous auto- 
biographical epitaph, his deistic Ritual for Private Worship, 

292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the superbly sententious Queries of the famous Franklin 
Junto, and the Poor Richard's Almanacs for 1733 and 1734. 
It is almost impossible to peruse these and other early writ- 
ings of Franklin without gaining a fresh appreciation of the 
man and his amazingly swift development as both writer and 
apprentice sage. At the age of 28 Benjamin Franklin was well 
on his way to becoming "a harmonious multitude." Here is 
Franklin the economist promoting the cause of paper money; 
Franklin the dutiful brother expounding the wages of virtue 
to his sister, Jane Mecom; Franklin the observant traveler; 
Franklin the loyal Free-Mason; Franklin the hater of Cant 
and believer in Providence; Franklin the promoter of a sub- 
scription library and a charm cure for breast cancer. 

The contributions of the editors exhibit meticulous care. 
The table of contents, illustrations, index, genealogical 
tables, and general format are exemplary. The footnote anno- 
tation is complete yet unobstrusive and the editorial head- 
notes concisely describe the background and general context 
of each selection. To say that Professors Labaree and Bell 
have matched the excellence of Julian Boyd's Jefferson Papers 
is to describe both the level of their achievement and the im- 
portance of their task. 

Richard E. Welch, Jr. 

Lafayette College. 

The Papers of John C. Calhoun, Volume I, 1801-1817. Edited 
by Robert L. Meriwether. (Columbia: The University of South 
Carolina Press, for the South Carolinian Society. 1959. Pp. 
xlii, 469. Introduction, chronology, 1782-1817, calendar, genea- 
logical table, bibliography, and index. $10.00.) 

In the past fall three first volumes of famous American 
papers were published. These were the Franklin, Calhoun, 
and Clay papers. These volumes represent the beginning of 
the fullfillment of three ambitious undertakings. Whether or 
not these additions to significant bodies of major source ma- 
terials to our published historical literature improves the 
quality of our historical writings rests with future historians. 
So far the editors have done their part. 

Book Reviews 293 

The late Professor Robert Meriwether attacked his editorial 
task with an almost furious zeal. He was convinced that Cal- 
houn had not been dealt with soundly by historian and biblio- 
grapher, and he now had a chance to set the record straight. 
He wrote in his preface of former editions of papers that, "For 
correction of the merely preposterous interpretations of Cal- 
houn which have flourished from an early date, these already 
published volumes should have proved ample, but for a thor- 
ough study of his forty years of intense activity in the public 
service they are utterly inadequate." 

Professor Meriwether devised a dual system of reference 
editorial notes and editorial procedures which keeps the read- 
er alert as to which line he is following, one note system is for 
location and physical description of the document, the other 
is for content and factual identification and clarification. In 
dealing with the eccentricities and characteristics of the Cal- 
houn writing quirks the editor has made certain common 
sense modifications. 

The scope of this volume covers the years from Septem- 
ber 6, 1801, to November 15, 1817. It is almost a certainty 
that every reader who reads these papers will be in search of 
the Calhoun personality and process of development. It is 
perhaps fitting that the first letter should be addressed to the 
Reverend M. Waddell, academy master. The first eight letters 
are concerned with the affairs of the up-country lad in search 
of education. There are glimpses of family affairs, and some 
of family background. In 1805 Calhoun went east to school 
and for the next five years ( and thirty-two years longer ) the 
proper school boy and law student carried on a running cor- 
respondence with Mrs. Floride Calhoun, an aunt. The court- 
ing of the daughter Floride through her mother is at least 
one of America's most unusual courtships. If Mrs. Calhoun 
had not preserved these letters the record of Calhoun's youth 
would be slim indeed. 

A reader is given ample internal evidence that there were 
very few other letters for the simple reason they were not 
written. The New England schooling of the youthful South 
Carolinian is fairly well documented. 

The heart of this first volume is to be found in the papers 
which cover Calhoun's Warhawk and early nationalist years. 

294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From 1811 to 1817 the conscientious young Congressman 
was deeply engrossed in the affairs of Congress. Like his 
editor, the reader is caused to feel at the outset that the Caro- 
linian had set a course for himself and was determined to 
keep it. In sharp debates with John Randolph of Roanoke 
Calhoun demonstrates marked courage. Both his speeches and 
letters exhibit a close debater analyzing national issues. Here 
is the unfolding of a devoted nationalist who presented his 
views clearly and forcefully. The State papers are serious 
documents which hew to the line, and are as devoid of humor 
or human foible as are the statutes. Calhoun dealt with the 
larger issues in his papers and speeches. Too, these documents 
reflect a studiousness which are not always to be found in 
documents of this sort. 

Collected between the covers of a single volume it appears 
on first glance that John C. Calhoun was fairly communica- 
tive. There are, however, only 159 entires in this volume as 
compared with approximately 1,200 Clay items from 1797- 
1814 in the first Clay volume. There is, nevertheless, in this 
relatively small collection of papers an image of a personality. 

Professor Meriwether did his editing with great care. His 
notes are full and explicit. He saw his subject as having been 
cast in a mold of epic proportions, and so he cast his editing 

Thomas D. Clark. 

University of Kentucky. 

Teach the Freeman; The Correspondence of Rutherford B. 
Hayes and the Slater Fund for Negro Education. Volume I. 
1881-1887, and Volume II, 1888-1893. Edited by Louis D. 
Rubin, Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 
1959. Pp. lv, 538. $10.00.) 

These volumes trace through the principal correspondence 
the work of the Slater Fund and the relationship of President 
Hayes to that work. It thus provides important dimensions to 
the understanding not only of the Slater Fund but also to the 
other philanthropic activities of the period concerned with 
the welfare of the southern Negro. In its relatively long Intro- 

Book Reviews 295 

duction, fifty pages, the development of the Slater Fund and 
the relationship of President Hayes to its program is carefully 
described. Among the correspondents quoted are Leonard 
Bacon, J. L. M. Curry, Atticus G. Haygood, Booker T. Wash- 
ington, Daniel Coit Gilman, W. E. B. DuBois, and E. C. Mit- 
chell. Among the issues treated is that of whether philan- 
thropic funds are better spent in large grants for the achieve- 
ment of single objectives or in smaller sums at the discretion 
of the agent in furthering the general objectives of the donors. 
The collection and editing of the material presented has been 
well handled. 

Samuel M. Holton. 
University of North Carolina. 

Mexico, 1825-1828 : The Journal and Correspondence of Edward 
Thornton Tayloe. Edited by C. Harvey Gardiner. (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press. 1959. Pp. xii, 212. 

In the second decade of the nineteenth century Mexico re- 
belled against monarchical Spain, won independence, and 
became a republic. Naturally, the republican United States 
rejoiced. Not until 1825, however, did the neighbor dispatch 
its first minister to Mexico, Joel R. Poinsett of South Carolina. 
With him sailed Edward Thornton Tayloe of Virginia's 
Northern Neck and the District of Columbia, a twenty-two- 
year-old graduate of Harvard interested in history and lan- 
guages and possibly in a lifelong career in the diplomatic 
profession. That young man's appetite for a peripatetic life 
had been whetted by his preceding summer's travels to Mont- 
pelier, Monticello, and Virginia's mineral springs. 

In Tayloe's nature there were curiosity about many aspects 
of the past and of his own times, a reasonable measure of the 
capacity to be a discerning observer, no desire to be unduly 
profound, and a willingness to write systematically and with- 
out excessive flourish what was really worth recording if per- 
chance his memories should need to be bolstered. In his bag- 
gage was a quarto volume of blank pages. It was destined to 
be almost filled with his unspectacular but notably sound 

296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

journal covering three years and 2,000 miles of life and jour- 
neying in Mexico. The result is the earliest reasonably com- 
prehensive and objective commentary on the new republic 
by a citizen of the older one. It might well be so partly be- 
cause the young Virginian served the twenty-year-older South 
Carolinian in the capacity of personal secretary not as a fed- 
eral employee but at his father's expense; his duties were 
usually light, his freedom considerable. 

The manuscript volume returned to Virginia with its author, 
chiefly to remain in a plantation library until the author's 
death in 1876. Only once did the stalled traveler bestir him- 
self to give excerpts to a wide audience, and then only anony- 
mously. Four selections appeared in the first and second 
volumes of the Southern Literary Messenger. At last, a decade 
after the manuscript landed in the Library of Congress, it 
has been published attractively and under capable editorship. 
Its value is much enhanced by an addition: interspersed in 
it are twenty-seven letters written by Tayloe from Mexico 
and now preserved in the University of Virginia Library. 

Not only does the product become an important item of 
Latin-American bibliography. It also enriches bits of United 
States history. Never have these materials been used by bio- 
graphers of Poinsett. Those of John Slidell have overlooked 
his three-week tour with Tayloe— indeed, the whole of that 
diplomat's first visit to Mexico. The death and funeral of the 
controversial General James Wilkinson are recorded. Mexi- 
can opinion of John Randolph of Roanoke is reflected in one 
revealing paragraph. Prospective migrations by United States 
capital into Mexican mining ventures elicited from Tayloe 
more comment than from other travelers of his decade. And 
there are occasional authorial or editorial glimpses of an am- 
bitious cosmopolitan's disappointments, reactions, and hopes 
as to the diplomatic world ranging from John Quincy Adams 
to James K. Polk and from the District of Columbia to the 
South American Columbia and Paris and Moscow. 

The sure-footed editor has added to his author's journal and 
letters just enough and no more by way of prologue, epilogue, 
and footnotes. The notes sometimes point to comparable pas- 
sages in other books about Mexico, sometimes to confirmatory 

Book Reviews 297 

or supplementary information buried deep in any of several 
archives. The fact that footnotes are not indexed obscures— 
to mention two examples— the mention of Poinsett's gift to 
The College of Charleston, South Carolina, on page 107 and 
the references to Henry Clay on pages 40, 46, 47, 71, 155, 
191, and perhaps others. Nor does the entry in the index for 
Mount Orizaba refer, as it should, to page 34. An obvious 
typographical error in the second line of page 64 is one of the 
few that escaped attention. All told, the volume does credit to 
its editor, to the publisher, and to the Ford Foundation sub- 
sidy that made its publication possible. Scholars in at least 
two nations should be grateful. 

W. Edwin Hemphill. 
South Carolina Archives Department. 

Nematodes in My Garden of Verse: A Little Book of Tar Heel 
Poems. Selected by Richard Walser. (Winston-Salem : John F. 
Blair, Publisher, 1959. Pp. ix, 134. $3.50.) 

The verminous title of the little volume is an apt and accu- 
rate one. It gives fair warning to the reader of the annelidous 
nature of the verses that mate up the volume. 

The collection of verse is divided into five sections: news- 
paper verse, the verse of Mattie J. Peterson, the crossroad 
bards, Carolina poems, Editor Caldwell's galaxy of genius, 
and the verse Cor worse] of the New School. Much of the 
verse was exhumed from the special columns for local poets 
prevalent in nineteenth-century North Carolina newspapers. 
Not all of the verse, however, came from the newspaper 
morgues. One group of poems, among several exceptions, is 
the verse of Mattie J. Peterson, which first appeared as an 
appendix to her novelette Little Pansy (1890). Mr. Walser— 
no doubt with tongue in cheek— describes Miss Peterson as 
"the seraphic spirit floating above this collection." 

Mr. Walser instructs the readers of Nematodes in My Gar- 
den of Verse "to dip in where they choose and to enjoy what 
they will." Though many of the pieces are doggerel and some 
of the parodies are not very cleverly done, some of the verses 
are enjoyable; several are amusing; and others are interesting 

298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

because of their references to North Carolina places and 
things. "The Snuff Box" ("Oh! snuff box, dear snuff box, when 
the world is unkind, In you, and you only, a treasure I 
find";) and "I Saw Her in Cabbage Time" ("She was a-cut- 
ting kraut-" ) and "Hogs-Head Souse" are amusing. "Ode to a 
Ditch," a piece dedicated to the town commissioners of Fay- 
etteville, celebrates well the "festoons of slime" that floated 
on the "green, oozy breast" of the "dark foetid sewer" that 
served the town of Fayetteville in the 1850's. "Blackbeard The 
Corsair" is one of the best of the poems in the collection. 
"Minstrels of the Pasquotank" ("Where the bullfrogs jump 
from bank to bank") is better than the line quoted would 
seem to indicate. 

This reviewer cannot share Mr. Walser's admiration for 
the morbidly sentimental verses of Miss Peterson, nor is there 
much wit or any genius in the verse of Editor Joseph Pearson 
Caldwell's galaxy. The poems of the New School should pass 

But if Nematodes in My Garden of Verse succeeds in pre- 
serving from oblivion even one piece of fugitive verse that 
does not deserve to be lost ( and this reviewer feels that surely 
more than one of the verses in this little volume merits pre- 
servation), then Tar Heels are indebted to Mr. Walser for 
rescuing them and making them available in this collection. 

Francis B. Dedmond. 
Gardner-Webb College. 

Human History : The Seventeenth Century and the Stuart Fam- 
ily. By Rufus Cole. (Freeport, Maine: The Bond Wheelwright 
Company. 1959. Pp. xiv, 636. Two Volumes, [Vol. I] ; ix, 
658 [Vol. II]. Index to each volume. $17.50, the set.) 

Since 1937 when Dr. Cole retired as Director of the Hospi- 
tal of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research he has 
been engaged in an intensive study of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. A graduate of the Johns Hopkins University, he was 
for many years interested in the history of medicine, and this 
fascinating two-volume work is obviously the result of a 

Book Reviews 299 

lifetime of reading brought to fruition only during his recent 
years of retirement. 

In broad outline the events of the seventeenth century are 
treated chronologically. Dr. Cole's thesis that "man's actions 
are dependent on the existing environment, although only in 
certain cases is a man forced by his environment to act in a 
particular manner" results in the account of many long, but 
clearly set forth, chains of events. To explain how certain situ- 
ations arose he frequently takes the reader back into the age 
of Elizabeth, and not infrequently more recent events are 
shown to have had their origin in the seventeenth century. He 
chose this century to demonstrate his thesis because, he says, 
it is far enough in the past to be "regarded dispassionately 
and without prejudice." Politics, religion, art, science, and 
literature are all considered. Many of the cause-and-effect 
events of history and the consequences of the action of cer- 
tain men, which he points out, have perhaps been less obvious 
to other writers because they did not deal with so broad a 
sweep of history. 

The story of all the important and many of the less signi- 
ficant men and women of the seventeenth century is told 
here. North Carolinians will find these volumes of especial 
interest for their accounts of the actions of several of the 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina, for their remarks on John 
Locke, for information about the Fundamental Constitutions 
of Carolina, and, in brief, as a means of determining what 
was taking place elsewhere in the world, particularly in Eng- 
land, during this century which saw so many events of lasting 
importance taking place here. 

In the Preface to the first volume Dr. Cole has something 
to say of his sources, but there is no bibliography. Neither are 
there footnotes. Careful and detailed indexes in each volume 
help to tie together information about persons and events. 

William S. Powell. 
University of North Carolina. 

Department of Archives and History 


The Roanoke Island Historical Association met in Raleigh 
on January 12 at the Hotel Sir Walter and elected Mr. 
J. Sibley Dorton of Shelby as Director of "The Lost Colony" 
outdoor drama, replacing Mr. Richard Jordan who had served 
as Director since 1952. The drama which will open in June 
plans the 1,000th performance tentatively for July 9. Mr. 
Dorton is the son of Dr. J. S. Dorton, long-time manager of 
the North Carolina State Fair, and is a graduate of Davidson 
College. He has been executive vice-president of the Southern 
States Fair at Charlotte and recently served as executive 
vice-president of the Southern States Improvement Com- 
pany. Mrs. Mabel Evan Jones and Mr. Albert Q. Bell, both of 
Manteo, and Mr. I. P. Davis of Winton were elected hon- 
orary members of the board. Mrs. Jones produced the first 
Lost Colony play in 1921, Mr. Bell designed and built the 
theater in which the present drama is staged, and Mr. Davis 
has long been active in the work of the Association. Prior to 
the board meeting, a public relations committee meeting 
was held to make plans for promoting the drama this summer. 
Some of the members present were Mrs. O. Max Gardner of 
Shelby, Mrs. Fred Morrison of Washington, D. C, and Mr. 
Paul Green of Chapel Hill. 

The Executive Board of the North Carolina Department of 
Archives and History met on January 15 at the Hotel Sir 
Walter. The Board approved the "A" Budget for 1961-1963 
as submitted, as well as the "A" Budget for the Tryon Palace 
Commission for the same period. The Director, Dr. Christo- 
pher Crittenden, reported briefly on plans and programs of 
the various allied organizations, especially the Carolina 
Charter Tercentenary Commission and the North Carolina 
Confederate Centennial Commission. 

On January 22 the Executive Committee of the Confed- 
erate Centennial Commission met in the Assembly Room of 
the Department of Archives and History. The committee 


Historical News 301 

voted to request Governor Luther H. Hodges and the Coun- 
cil of State to appropriate funds for operating expenses 
through June 30. Present for the meeting were Col. Hugh 
Dortch, Chairman; Dr. Crittenden, Secretary; Mrs. E. A. 
Anderson, Mrs. D. S. Coltrane, Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, all 
members of the Committee; the heads of the different divi- 
sions of the Department; and Mrs. William A. Mahler, Ad- 
ministrative Assistant of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association. 

On March 8 the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commis- 
sion received notice that Governor Hodges and the Council 
of State had appropriated to the Commission funds from the 
Contingency and Emergency Fund in the amount of $8,830 
for the remainder of the fiscal year. 

Directors Office 

On February 10 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director, at- 
tended a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the National 
Trust for Historic Preservation in Washington, D. C. The 
Executive Board of the General Board of the Baptist State 
Convention on February 11 rejected a request from the Wake 
Forest College Birthplace Society to assist in restoring that 
building known locally as the Calvin Jones House. The 
building is located in the Town of Wake Forest. Dr. Crit- 
tenden and Mr. Norman C. Larson of the staff of the Hall of 
History were interviewed on February 14 by Mr. George 
Hall of WRAL-TV. The interview centered around the pro- 
jected plans for celebrating the series of Confederate cen- 
tennials beginning in 1961 and continuing into 1965. On 
February 25 Dr. Crittenden was interviewed by Mr. James 
R. Lineberger on Radio Station WKIX, Raleigh, on the pro- 
gram of the Department of Archives and History. On March 7 
Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the North Carolina 
Travel Council at the Washington Duke Hotel in Durham. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, has edited the Directory 
of State Archival Agencies, 1959, for the Society of American 

302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Archivists and the volume was released in January. The pub- 
lication, distribution of which is limited to members of the 
society, gives data on the staff, budgets, facilities, salaries, and 
programs of the various archival agencies in the United States 
and Puerto Rico. Mr. Jones met with the Council of the Socie- 
ty of American Archivists in Chicago, December 27-30, on a 
proposed nationwide survey of archival and records manage- 
ment programs. He also met with members of the council and 
a representative of the Office of Civil Defense and Mobiliza- 
tion on legislation to be proposed to the Council of State 
Governments. During the same period he attended meetings 
of the American Historical Association. On March 15 he 
addressed the annual meeting of Florida Municipal Officers 
and City Clerks at the University of Florida, Gainesville, 
on "The Legal Aspects of Preservation and Destruction of 
Public Records." On February 26 he met with Mr. Charles 
Adams, Archivist, and members of the Archives Committee 
of the Woman's College of the University of North Carolina 
and with members of the Dolley Madison Memorial Associa- 
tion in Greensboro where he discussed the preservation of 
historical documents. Mr. Jones and Rear Admiral Alex M. 
Patterson ( Ret. ) , Public Records Examiner, have edited The 
County Records Manual for the guidance of county officials 
in North Carolina in matters relating to the preservation and 
disposal of county records. In addition to chapters on laws 
and policies regulating public records, the Manual includes 
suggested schedules for the retention and disposal of all 
series of records in the various county offices. Distribution of 
the Manual will be limited to county officials. 

The Division of Archives and Manuscripts has available for 
free distribution printed copies of laws pertaining to the acti- 
vities and functions of the State Department of Archives and 
History. Requests for copies may be directed to the State 
Archivist, Box 1881, Raleigh. The Division also has free 
upon request two revised leaflets, Genealogical Research 
in the North Carolina Department of Archives and History 
(8 pages) and Records Management in North Carolina 
( 12 pages ) . 

Historical News 303 

In the Archives Administration Section, a program of re- 
cataloging personal collections has been inaugurated. All 
such collections received since the publication in 1942 of the 
Guide to Manuscript Collections in the Archives of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission will be resurveyed, and some 
collections received prior to that time will be restudied. It is 
hoped that a new guide can be published in the next bien- 
nium. The Section will also report on its holdings to the 
Library of Congress for inclusion in the National Union Cat- 
alogue of Manuscripts. Miss Beth G. Crabtree, Archivist II, 
will be in charge of the new program. 

A total of 598 persons registered in the Search Room 
during the quarter ending December 31. Approximately 600 
persons were given information by mail, and the following 
quantities of copies were furnished to the public: 580 photo- 
static copies, 26 microfilm projection prints, 38 typed certi- 
fied copies, and 403 feet of microfilm. The Laminating Shop 
restored 4,252 pages of manuscript records, consisting mostly 
of county records and legislative papers. The Council Journal, 
1734-1769, has been laminated and rebound by funds donat- 
ed to the Department by the North Carolina Branch, Sons 
and Daughters of the Pilgrims, Mrs. A. W. Hoffman (of 
Raleigh), Governor. 

Admiral Patterson, Public Records- Examiner, supervised 
the program of inventorying and microfilming records of 
Chatham, Chowan, and Wilson counties. The permanently 
valuable records of Chatham County have been microfilmed 
by the County Records Section, and those of Chowan and 
Wilson counties are currently being filmed. Records in need 
of repair are being laminated and rebound, after which they 
will be returned to the counties. 

Admiral Patterson prepared recommended retention and 
disposal schedules for records in the office of the Clerk of 
Superior Court of Halifax County, and on January 4 he ad- 
dressed the Siler City Rotary Club on the county records 

304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mr. C. Douglas McCullough and Mr. Richard G. Stone, 
Archivists I, resigned on January 31 and were succeeded by 
Mr. W. Rex Langston, Clerk II, and Mr. W. Reginald Moss, 
Archivist I. Miss Delores C. Murray was promoted to Archi- 
vist I effective February 1. 

In the State Records Section, Mrs. Memory F. Black- 
welder, Records Center Supervisor, addressed the home man- 
agement class at Meredith College on January 16 and the 
Wake County Chapter of the Meredith College Alumnae 
Association on February 16. She served as chairman of the 
nominating committee of the State Employees' Credit Union, 
presenting the report at the annual meeting of the Credit 
Union on February 8. 

Inventories and schedules of records of State agencies 
recently completed by archivists at the Records Center in- 
clude those of the Commission for the Blind and the State 
Treasurer. A rough draft of an inventory of the State Board of 
Embalmers and Funeral Directors has been completed. Dur- 
ing the quarter ending December 31, microfilming output 
at the Records Center was 1,254,664 images for nine State 
agencies. During the same period, 488 cubic feet of records 
were brought into the Section and 298 were removed. Records 
were serviced by the staff 220 times for eleven agencies and 
representatives of ten agencies visited the Center 187 times. 

Division of Historic Sites 

On January 5 Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superin- 
tendent, attended a meeting of the Historic Bath Commission 
at Bath. Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washington, Chairman 
of the Commission, with members and guests inspected the 
Marsh House and later met in a business session. The group 
voted to proceed immediately with the restoration of the 
Marsh House and with the raising of additional funds for 
this purpose. Mr. James A. Stenhouse of Charlotte, architect, 
is consultant for the restoration and Mr. Grayson H. Harding 
of Edenton is supervising the on-the-site work. Mrs. Oscar 
F. Smith and her daughter, Mrs. Roy Charles, both of Norfolk, 

Historical News 305 

have purchased the Bonner House property on Bonner Point 
and have provided funds for its restoration as a memorial to 
their husband and father, founder of the Smith-Douglas 
Corporation. The estimated cost of the property and restora- 
tion is $75,000. Preservation of this house, one of the few 
remaining eighteenth-century residences in Bath, is a major 
feature of the over-all Historic Bath restoration. 

On January 12 Mr. Tarlton was elected to membership on 
the Historical Commission of the Baptist State Convention. 
The function of the Commission is to recommend a program 
of Baptist historical activity for the Convention's considera- 
tion and support. 

On February 5 Mr. Tarlton and Mr. Stanley A. South, 
Archeologist in charge of Old Brunswick Town State Historic 
Site, attended the annual meeting of the Southeastern North 
Carolina Beach Association at Wilmington. They served as 
representatives of the Department. Mr. Tarlton spoke on 
February 15 before the Civic Club of Wake Forest on pre- 
serving the Wake Forest College Birthplace. On February 22 
Mr. Tarlton spoke to the Sertoma Club of Raleigh on George 
Washington and on North Carolina's early historic sites. 

On February 8 the groundbreaking ceremony was held 
for the construction of the museum-visitor center at Alamance 
Battleground State Historic Site near Burlington. Those who 
turned earth to mark the official beginning of the museum 
were Mr. George D. Colclough, Manager of the Burlington 
Chamber of Commerce; Mr. Tarlton; Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, 
Jr., Historic Site Specialist for Alamance Battleground; Mrs. 
Charles Foster, President of the Alamance County War 
Mothers; and Mrs. G. A. Kernodle, representative of the 
Alamance Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion. Mr. Howard White, Managing Editor of the Burlington 
Dispatch, was master of ceremonies. Work on the building is 
expected to be completed by June. It will cost approximately 
$31,000 of the which the State appropriated $15,000. The 
remainder was secured by local groups. Since construction 
began an intensive effort has been made to locate and acquire 
artifacts dating from the War of the Regulation through the 

306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Revolutionary War. Persons who own historical artifacts who 
wish to donate them or place them on loan are requested to 
contact Mr. Honeycutt, State Department of Archives and 
History, Box 1881, Raleigh. Items that are needed are manu- 
scripts—books written by or about the Regulators, and other 
subjects related to the Battle; military items from the Battle 
and from the period of the 1770's; household furnishings, 
clothing, and farm implements used before 1771; and any 
personal items which can be authenticated as belonging to 
a participant in the War of the Regulation. On February 26 
Mr. Honeycutt and Mr. Norman C. Larson, Educational 
Curator of the Hall of History, accepted for the Department 
a loan of forty-three items from Mr. Cecil Elder of Burling- 
ton. A Revolutionary flintlock pistol, Civil War pistols and 
rifles, and a number of powder horns and shot bags were in- 
cluded in the collection. All of the items were collected with- 
in a radius of twenty-five miles of the Battleground. Mr. 
Honeycutt will be at the May Memorial Library, Burlington, 
each Thursday afternoon to receive items from friends of the 
project who wish their donations placed in the Alamance 
Battleground Museum-Visitor Center. 

E. F. Taylor and Company of Goldsboro, contractor in 
charge of the restoration of the Charles B. Ay cock Birthplace 
State Historic Site, is currently doing the restoration work 
on the Harper House at the Bentonville Battleground State 
Historic Site. This large old farmhouse, built about 1840 or 
1850, was used during the Battle, March, 1865, as a hospital, 
first by the Union forces and later by the Confederates. It is 
being restored to its 1865 condition and will be used tempor- 
arily as a site museum. A separate, especially designed build- 
ing is needed for a permanent museum. When such a build- 
ing is provided the Harper House will be furnished as it was 
at the time of the Battle, including field hospital equipment. 
Mr. Nicholas B. Bragg is Historic Site Specialist in charge 
of the restoration work. 

The Department has funds to commence a restoration 
project at Fort Fisher, beginning July 1, 1960. Present plans 
call for the clearing of brush from the earthworks of the fort 

Historical News 307 

during the summer of 1960. An accurate survey of this Civil 
War site will be made and a definite plan established for 
long-range development. Since the series of centennial ob- 
servances of the War between the States will begin in 1961 
and continue through part of 1965, it is highly desirable that 
restoration of Fort Fisher begin as soon as possible. Among 
the major improvements needed is an adequate museum- 
visitor center to house exhibits depicting the history of the 
fort. It is most important that such a building be provided if 
the project is to be developed. 

Restoration of the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State His- 
toric Site near Weaverville is proceeding under the direction 
of Mr. Robert O. Conway, Historic Site Specialist in charge 
of the project. The massive original brick chimney has been 
restored and logs are being hewn and oak boards split for 
the reconstruction of the house proper which is scheduled 
for the spring of 1960. Much of the original paneling and 
other material for finishing the interior was salvaged from 
the birthplace when it was dismantled in 1958 and this 
material will be used in the reconstruction. Vance was born 
in 1830 in the original two-story house which was of logs. 
Colonel David Vance, Zebulon's grandfather, built the dwell- 
ing in the late 1790's. When reconstruction is completed the 
house will be fitted with furnishings of the period of Vance's 
birth, designed to show his early environment and family 
life. In addition to the dwelling house, construction plans 
call for a smokehouse, springhouse, fences, and other features 
common to such a mountain homestead in the 1830's. 

The various State Historic Sites are receiving, and expect 
to continue to receive, an increasing number of visitors. At 
Town Creek Indian Mound State Historic Site in Mont- 
gomery County, the State's only Indian restoration project, 
visitation increased ten per cent in 1959 over the previous 
year totalling approximately 21,000 persons from twenty-six 
States, the District of Columbia, and two foreign countries. 

The Charles B. Aycock Birthplace State Historic Site, 
opened November 1, 1959, near Fremont, is receiving an 
average of seventy-five paying visitors weekly and will per- 

308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

haps double this figure during the seasonable weather of the 
summer months. It is expected that North Carolina school 
groups in great numbers will tour this project. A charge of 
$.25 for adults and $.10 for children has been set at the 
Aycock Birthplace to help bear the cost of maintenance. 

Old Brunswick Town State Historic Site on the Cape Fear 
River, Brunswick County, during the winter months had ap- 
proximately 200 visitors weekly. Visitation is expected to 
increase greatly following the Azalea Festival in nearby 
Wilmington and to maintain this increase since the project 
is adjacent to Orton Plantation and many North and South 
Carolina beaches. Old Brunswick Town is rapidly becoming 
known as one of the most interesting colonial archeological 
sites on the eastern seaboard. When a museum is built, the 
large collection of colonial relics found during recent exca- 
vation can be exhibited, making the project even more at- 
tractive to tourists. 

Including the Alamance Battleground, the Bentonville 
Battleground, and others in the process of development, it is 
not unrealistic to assume that soon an annual average of 
50,000 persons will visit the State's Historic Sites. 

Work in varying degrees of development and completion 
is progressing as other projects. At the Bennett House near 
Durham, site of the surrender of Confederate General 
Joseph E. Johnston to Union General William T. Sherman on 
April 26, 1865, further improvements are planned. Mr. R. O. 
Everett, Sr., Chairman of the Bennett Place Memorial Com- 
mission, announces that Mrs. Alexis Gourmajenko of Char- 
lotte, her sister, Mrs. Robert Cabell, III, and her brother, 
Mr. S. T. Morgan, both of Richmond, Virginia, are contribut- 
ing funds for the restoration of the kitchen, one of the two 
main buildings of the Bennett homestead. This was a log 
building, and reconstruction costs for the kitchen will be 
between $8,000 and $10,000. Rebuilding the dwelling house, 
made possible by a gift of Mrs. Magruder Dent of Green- 
wich, Conn., and Southern Pines, is expected to begin soon 
under the direction of a committee headed by Dr. Lenox 
D. Baker of the Duke University Medical School. Mr. E. N. 

Historical News 309 

Brower of Hope Mills has donated the materials, from an old 
building, to be used in the restoration. 

The old Owens House at Halifax, an eighteenth-century 
gambrel-roofed type, is being restored by the Historical Hali- 
fax Restoration Association with assistance from the State 
Department of Archives and History. It is anticipated that 
the work will be completed and that the house will be formal- 
ly dedicated on April 12, "Halifax Day." Mr. Ray S. Wilkin- 
son of Rocky Mount is Chairman of the Association. 

The Richmond Temperance and Literary Society Hall at 
Wagram has been restored and is to be formally dedicated 
at 3:00 p.m., April 6, 1960. Mr. Sam T. Snoddy, Laurinburg 
architect, is chairman of the restoration committee. This in- 
teresting five-sided brick building was built in 1860 and was 
used as a meeting place for the society until the 1890's. An 
interesting feature is the prominent finial on the pointed roof 
—a large wineglass inverted on a Bible. In 1865 General 
Sherman's men broke into the building and scattered its 
contents, and the episode is related in a peppery entry in the 
society's minutes book. 

Mr. Tarlton is serving as historical consultant for the above 
three restoration projects. 

The old Freeman House at Murfreesboro, one of the fine 
brick Georgian houses of eastern North Carolina, has again 
been restored by the Murfreesboro Woman's Club. The club 
acquired the house a number of years ago, rescuing it from 
long usage as a chicken hatchery, and rebuilt it at great ex- 
pense for use as a meeting place and general community 
center. Recently moisture had seeped through the brick walls 
spoiling much of the restoration work. To meet this problem, 
the interior has been waterproofed, replastered, and redeco- 
rated. The Freeman House is again an attraction of historic 

The rear section of the James Iredell House in Edenton has 
been restored under the direction of Mr. Grayson H. Harding. 
The 200th anniversary of this house was celebrated on No- 
vember 22 at an open house and reception to which the 
public was invited. A special study has been made by Mr. 

310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Morley J. Williams, landscape architect of New Bern, for the 
redevelopment of Edenton's courthouse green area. 

Division of Museums 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, spoke to the 
Bloomsbury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution at 
the Carolina Country Club, Raleigh, on January 8. Her sub- 
ject was "Early American Silver and Silversmiths." On Jan- 
uary 27 she and two members of the staff of the Hall of His- 
tory went to Hillsboro to assist the staff of the Orange County 
Historical Museum in the execution of exhibits. On Feb- 
ruary 2-4 Mrs. Jordan, accompanied by Mr. Norman C. Lar- 
son, Mr. John D. Ellington, and Mr. Samuel Townsend, mem- 
bers of the staff of the Hall of History, and Mr. Nicholas B. 
Bragg and Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., Historic Site Specialists, 
visited Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia; the National Park 
Service Laboratory, Washington, D. C; Manassas Battle- 
ground; and museums in Richmond, Virginia. The trip was 
made to observe ideas in museum exhibit techniques and 
presentation of material, concentrating on interpretation. On 
February 9 Mrs. Jordan talked to the Clio Book Club at the 
home of Mrs. Jerry Gilbert in Raleigh on Try on Palace and 
showed slides of the Palace and Garden. On February 16 
Mrs. Jordan and Mr. Larson attended a committee meeting of 
the Durham Junior League at the Hope Valley Country Club 
to discuss the possibility of establishing a historical museum 
in Durham. Mrs. Jordan presented a slide program on Tryon 
Palace to the members of the Garden Division of the Wo- 
man's Club in Wilson on February 19, and on February 23 
she spoke on "Early American Silver" to the Ad Libitum 
Book Club at the home of Mrs. Ira Jones, Raleigh. 

The Museums Division is presently acquiring and install- 
ing weapons in an exhibit depicting the development of 
military arms. North Carolina-made weapons, as well as those 
significant because of their use and ownership, will be ex- 

Historical News 311 

Division of Publications 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications, 
has been reappointed for 1960 Chairman of the North Caro- 
lina Literary and Historical Association's Committee on 
County and Local Historical Societies. During 1959 organi- 
zations were perfected in Burke and Wilson counties. More 
than thirty-five local and county groups have been organized 
in the past six years. 

Mr. Truby H. Powell of Wake Forest began work with the 
Division on February 8 as Stock Clerk I. He was formerly 
stationed in Germany with the United States Army. 

Colleges and Universities 

Dr. Murray S. Downs joined the faculty of the Department 
of History and Political Science at North Carolina State 
College in September, 1959. He taught at Virginia Polytech- 
nic Institute prior to coming to State College. Dr. Preston W. 
Edsall resumed his duties as Head of the Department on 
February 1. He has been on a year's leave of absence to study 
legislative politics in North Carolina in the 1950's. Mrs. 
Martha Stennis Stoops, Mr. Thomas Kenneth Lagow, and 
Mr. Boyd Howard Hill, Jr., have been appointed Instructors 
in the Department for the second semester of the academic 
year, 1959-1960. Dr. J. Leon Helguera served as Visiting Pro- 
fessor at the University of North Carolina's Cuban Student 
Seminar on February 8-11 in Chapel Hill. 

Dr. Julian C. Yoder, Head of the Department of Social 
Studies at Appalachian State Teachers College, announces 
the appointment of Dr. Edward H. Gibson, III, to the faculty 
as Professor of European History, specializing in English 
history. Dr. Edwin S. Dougherty presided at the January 30 
meeting of the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
held in Asheville. Dr. William S. Hoffmann will teach at 
Western Carolina College during the 1960, and Dr. Francis 
B. Simpkins of Longwood College will teach at Appalachian 
during the second summer term, 1960. Dr. D. J. Whitener is 

312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the author of articles on Asheville and Winston-Salem ap- 
pearing in the latest revised edition of the Encyclopedia 
Britannica, and Dr. Ina W. Van Noppen is the author of "The 
Louisiana Purchase," "Jefferson Territory," and "Filibuster" 
in the new edition of The World Book Encyclopedia. The 
annual magazine of the college, Faculty Publications, 1959- 
1960, contains the following articles by Department mem- 
bers: "St. Augustine and Graeco-Roman Art" by Dr. Gibson; 
"Democracy and Liberalism: An Essay in Contrasts" by Dr. 
J. Max Dixon; "The Church and Higher Education" by Dr. 
Whitener; and "Powder, Saltpeter, and Revolution" by Dr. 
Howard Decker. 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Kenan Professor and Chairman of 
the Department of History of the University of History, de- 
livered the first annual Pi Gamma Mu Lecture, "On Tour 
with Andrew Jackson," at Elon College on March 24. The 
lectures are sponsored by the North Carolina Alpha Chapter 
of the Pi Gamma Mu National Social Science Honor Society 
in co-operation with Elon College. 

Dr. John Richard Alden, Head of the Department of His- 
tory at Duke University, delivered the twenty-second Walter 
Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History on February 
8 and 9 at Louisiana State University. The lectures are 
sponsored by the Graduate School of the Department of 
History there. Dr. Alden's topics were "The First South 
(1775-1789)," "North and South in the Revolutionary Con- 
gress," and "The South Ratifies the Constitution." 

Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon of Meredith College has been 
selected as a member of a committee to write the history of 
the Protestant Episcopal Church in North Carolina. Other 
persons serving on the committee are Mr. George London, 
Chairman, Mr. James Brawley, Mr. Martin Caldwell, Dr. 
Hugh T. Lefler, Mr. Henry W. Lewis, Dr. Robert M. Miller, 
Mr. William S. Powell, Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson, and Dr. 
Richard Watson. 

Mrs. Mattie Erma Parker is serving as part-time Instructor 
in History and Government at Meredith. 

Historical News 313 

Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, Chairman of the Department of 
Social Studies and History at Greensboro College, announces 
that Mr. William R. Frazier has joined the faculty as Pro- 
fessor of Economics and Business Administration. 

The University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, has 
issued a leaflet, The North Carolina Collection, describing 
the holdings of the Collection. Some collections mentioned 
are those of Alexander Boyd Andrews, Kemp Plummer 
Battle, Bruce Cotten, John Sprunt Hill, Stephen B. Weeks, 
and Thomas Wolfe. The history, purpose, location, and use 
of the Collection are briefly discussed. It includes books, 
broadsides, pictures, music, documents, pamphlets, news- 
papers, textbooks, journals, maps, film, and recordings. 

The University of North Carolina Press has recently issued 
Pharaonic Policies and Administration, 663 to 323 B.C., Vol- 
ume XLI of The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political 
Science, published under the auspices of the Department of 
History and Political Science of the University of North Car- 
olina. Written by Mary Francis Gyles, the 120-page book 
deals with the religious and historical aspects of the Egyptian 
kingship during the chronological period studied. A biblio- 
graphy and index add to the usefulness of the volume. 

State, County, and Local Groups 

The Wilson County Historical Society was organized on 
January 12 at a meeting held in the county courthouse. Mr. 
Thomas H. Woodard was elected President; Mrs. Harrison 
Forbes, Secretary; and Mr. Silas Lucas, Chancellor. Dr. C. C. 
Ware, Head of the North Carolina Discipliana Collection at 
Atlantic Christian College, presided at the meeting. He spoke 
briefly on the contributions of Wilson County sons to North 
Carolina history and particularly stressed the work of the 
late R. D. W. Connor, first Archivist of the United States, and 
Bruce Cotten, whose collection of historical materials are 
housed in the North Carolina Collection, University of North 
Carolina. Mr. F. L. Carr spoke on the procedures for organiz- 
ing a county historical group and those present passed a 
resolution to collect and preserve all Wilson County data and 

314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to make it available to the public. Twenty persons were 
present for the meeting. 

The annual meeting of the Burke County Historical So- 
ciety was held on January 19 in the county office building 
auditorium in Morganton. Dr. Edward W. Phifer, President, 
presided at the business session at which time the member- 
ship adopted a resolution requesting the county commis- 
sioners to institute plans to preserve the Burke County Court- 
house which was erected in 1835. New officers elected at the 
meeting were Mr. C. K. Avery, President; and Mrs. L. P. 
Ghigou, Mr. J. Harvey Greenlee, and Mr. W. A. Leslie, all 
Vice-Presidents. A panel discussion was held on the early 
history of Burke County. Approximately 100 members and 
guests were present. 

Mrs. Lucile A. Smith presented a paper on the life and 
activities of Appleton Oaksmith at the January 23 meeting 
of the Carteret County Historical Society in Morehead City. 
Oaksmith, who lived the last years of his life in Carteret 
County, acted as filibuster agent in Nicaragua during the 
1850's, and was involved in railroad promotions and gold 
mining in California during the 1840's and 1850's. The so- 
ciety discussed plans for the spring dedication of the his- 
torical highway marker which has been placed in front of 
the Tuttle's Grove Methodist Church, designating the site of 
the Quaker's Core Sound Meeting House. This was the first 
house of worship in the county and was erected in 1737. A 
tribute was paid to the late Charles W. Davis, charter mem- 
ber of the group. Mr. F. C. Salisbury, President, presided at 
the meeting which was attended by forty members and 

A valuable collection of historical material from the library 
of the late Lawrence E. Watt, Reidsville attorney, historian, 
and secretary of the Rockingham County Historical Society, 
has recently been donated to the society by his widow, Mrs. 
Elsie Watt. Included in the collection are historical clippings, 
thirty-odd volumes of old county newspapers, maps, books, 
and other items relating to the history of Rockingham County. 

Historical News 315 

The society President, Mr. J. O. Thomas, expressed the ap- 
preciation of his group for the gift which will be turned over 
to Miss Maude Reynolds, historical custodian of the society 
room in the county courthouse in Wentworth. Miss Reynolds 
will classify and catalog the material as rapidly as possible. 

Hidden Seed and Harvest: A History of the Moravians by 
Chester Davis was issued in the fall of 1959 by the Wachovia 
Historical Society in Winston-Salem. The history originally 
appeared as a series of articles in the Journal and Sentinel 
(Winston-Salem) in 1957. The publication in book form was 
made possible by Mr. John D. Stockton and is dedicated to 
the late Adelaide L. Fries, Moravian historian. The establish- 
ment of Unitas Fratrum, the leadership of Count Zinzendorf , 
the coming of the Moravians to America, the settlement of 
Wachovia, and the part the Moravians played in the Revolu- 
tionary and Civil wars are briefly discussed. The 85-page 
booklet is illustrated with reproductions of paintings of Old 
Salem by the late Pauline Bahnson Gray. 

The News Bulletin of the Moravian Music Foundation for 
the winter of 1960 announces the formation of the Chicago 
Little Symphony under the direction of Dr. Thor Johnson. 
Other items of interest are a notice of a grant to the Founda- 
tion from the Mary Reynolds Babcock Foundation; an edi- 
torial on the musical heritage of the United States; a listing of 
Early American Music Editions (non-Moravian); and a note 
on the cataloging of music manuscripts in the various Mora- 
vian archives. Dr. Donald M. McCorkle, Director of the 
Foundation, will join the faculty of the University of Cali- 
fornia at Los Angeles for the summer session, 1960. He will 
teach a graduate course in the history of American music and 
a seminar in historical musicology. 

The January, 1960, Historical Foundation News, quarterly 
publication of the Presbyterian and Reformed Church, Inc., 
Montreat, contains a report to the church on the activities, 
acquisitions, and needs of the Foundation. Other news notes 
of interest are an article on the installation of a fountain 

316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

which completes the memorial to the late William Henry 
Belk; a brief history of the News; and a story on the collection 
of 1,913 volumes of church history over the past thirty years. 

Quakerism in Fiction and Poetry Recently Written by 
Woman by Dorothy Gilbert Thorne has been published by 
Guilford College. The booklet was first presented as the 
tenth annual Ward Lecture, a yearly program sponsored by 
Guilford College. Ruth Suckow, Elizabeth Gray Vining, 
Jessamyn West, Janet Whitney, Dorothy Canfield Fisher, 
Dorothy Mumford Williams, and Winifred Rawlins are among 
the writers discussed by Mrs. Thorne. The author retired 
from the faculty at Guilford in 1954 and now lives in Wil- 
mington, Ohio. She was formerly Professor of English and 
Acting Librarian and served for five years as Recording Clerk 
of the Five Years Meeting of Friends and of the North Caro- 
lina Yearly Meeting. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, official organ of the 
county historical society, for January, 1960, has an index for 
the Bulletin for the first six years of publication. The Moses 
M. Roberts home, built about 1817, is featured in the series, 
"Old Homes in Gaston/' A report on the progress of the 
writing of the history of Gaston County which is being pre- 
pared by Mr. Manly Wade Wellman of Chapel Hill and Mr. 
Robert F. Cope, a list of new members of the society, and a 
compilation of old cemetery markers by Mr. Dalton Stowe 
are also carried in the issue. 

The Gaston County Historical Society met on December 11 
with Mr. Howell Stroup of Cherryville as principal speak- 
er. Mr. Stroup spoke on the New Year's Eve and New Year's 
Day shoot in his community— a custom of the past 200 years. 
The group which participates in the shoot continues its festi- 
vity for two days and interest in the traditional meet was at 
an all-time high this year. The historical society meeting was 
held in the Atkins Auditorium of the county library. This 
room was named in honor of Mr. James W. Atkins, Editor of 
the Gastonia Gazette, and in memory of his late wife. Mr. 
Atkins served as host for the meeting at which Mr. W. Marsh 
Cavin of Stanley presided. Officers will be elected at the 
April meeting. Forty members and guests were present. 

Historical News 317 

"A Brief History of Pamlico County, 1584-1960" by Mr. 
Dallas Mallison has recently been issued. The mimeographed 
publication deals briefly with the origin of the county's name, 
the Pamlico Indians, exploration, settlement, and expansion 
of the county. The author also discusses briefly the economic 
and educational background of the section. 

"Preservation of Historic Sites," by Mr. Henry Jay Mac- 
Millan, President of the Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, 
is the featured article in the February, 1960, society Bulletin. 
Mr. MacMillan is also the author of an article, "Goose Creek 
Men," in the same issue. Other items in the Bulletin include 
a letter by William Calder presenting an unpublished account 
of the Battle of Bentonville written March 23, 1865; and a 
letter written July 17, 1789, by Adam Boyd, who earlier had 
published The Cape Fear Mercury. These letters are the 
property of Mr. William Atkinson and were edited with in- 
formational comments by Mrs. S. C. Kellam, Society Ar- 
chivist. A report on various gifts to the society and a notice of 
future meetings complete the issue. 


The State Mutual Life Assurance Company of America, 
Worcester, Massachusetts, has issued The Glorious Fifty, a 
colorful presentation of the stories behind the fifty State flags. 
The brochure arranges the States in the order in which they 
were admitted to the Union. The date of adoption and other 
information is given in a brief statement. The fifty-first flag- 
that of the District of Columbia— concludes the brochure. 

The Woodrow Wilson Foundation Newsletter for the 
spring of 1960 issues a call for the location of Wilson letters 
unknown to Wilson scholars. Dr. Arthur S. Link, Editor of 
The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, 132 Third Street, S.E., 
Washington 25, D. C, will be pleased to receive suggestions 
as to letters which are in private hands, particularly those re- 
lating to the early portion of Wilson's career. The editors state 
that "no Wilson letter is unimportant." The project will be 
permanently located at Princeton University in the fall of 

318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1960 when Dr. Link joins the Princeton faculty as Professor 
of History. Grants from the Rockefeller and Ford foundations 
will partially finance the publication of an estimated forty 
volumes of Wilson's letters and papers by the Princeton Uni- 
versity Press. 

Dr. Rudolf A. Clemen, Executive Vice-President of the 
Society of American Historians, Inc., Princeton, New Jersey, 
announces the awarding of the Francis Parkman Prize for 
1959 to Dr. Matthew Josephson for his book, Edison: A 
Biography. The prize of $500 and an inscribed scroll are pre- 
sented annually by the society for that book on American 
history or biography published during the year which has the 
highest literary distinction, in addition to historical scholar- 
ship, in the opinion of a committee of award. 

The Tennessee Historical Society announces the establish- 
ment of the John Trotwood Moore and Mary Daniel Moore 
Memorial Award to be given annually to the author of the 
best article to appear in each volume, beginning with that of 
1959, of the Tennessee Historical Quarterly. A panel of three 
judges will select an article, dealing with some phase of 
Tennessee history, which excels in scholarship, literary qual- 
ity, and originality, and which contributes to a greater under- 
standing of the State's history. Judges for the 1959 award 
are Dr. Robert Selph Henry of Alexandria, Virginia; Dr. 
Donald Davidson of Vanderbilt University; and Dr. Robert 
L. Kincaid of Middleboro, Kentucky. The award will be $100 
and will be given by members of the Moore family. 

Books received for review during the quarter are: William 
Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy (Baton Rouge: Louisi- 
ana State University Press, 1960 ) ; Frederica de Laguna, The 
Story of Tlingit Community: A problem in the Relationship 
Between Archeological, Ethnological and Historical Methods 
(Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 
1960); Waldo R. Wedel, An Introduction to Kansas Archeo- 
logy (Washington: United States Government Printing Of- 
fice, 1960); Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Isles and 
The American Colonies: The Southern Plantation, 1748-1754 

Historical News 319 

(New York: Alfred Knopf, Inc., 1960); John L. Strouten- 
burgh, Jr., Dictionary of the American Indian (New York: 
Philosophical Library, Inc., 1960); Paul Green, The Stephen 
Foster Story: A Symphonic Drama (New York, Samuel 
French, Inc., 1960); Charles I. Foster, An Errand of Mercy: 
The Evangelical United Front, 1790-1837 (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1960); R. C. Simmini, 
Jr., Education in the South: Institute of Southern Culture 
Lectures at Longwood College, 1959 (Richmond, Virginia: 
The Cavalier Press, 1959); Powell A. Moore, The Calumet 
Region: Indiana's Last Frontier (Indianapolis: Indiana His- 
torical Bureau, 1959); Robert C. Cotner, lames Stephen 
Hogg: A Biography (Austin: University of Texas Press, 
1959 ) ; Leonard W. Labaree, editor, The Papers of Benjamin 
Franklin, Volume I, January 6, 1760 through December 31, 
1734 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1959); 
Peter F. Walker, Vicksburg: A People at War, 1860-1865 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1959); 
Bell Irvin Wiley, A Southern Woman's Story: Life in Con- 
federate Richmond. By Phoebe Yates P ember ( Jackson, Ten- 
nessee: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1959); James F. Hopkins 
and Mary W. M. Hargreaves, The Papers of Henry Clay, 
Volume I, The Rising Statesman, 1794-1814 (Lexington: 
University of Kentucky Press, 1959); Paul K. Conkin, To- 
morrow a New World: The New Deal Community Program 
(Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1959); Richard 
Bardolph, The Negro Vanguard (New York: Rinehardt and 
Company, 1959); Richard Barksdale Harwell, Kate: The 
Journal of a Confederate Nurse. By Kate Cumming ( Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1959); Lenoir 
Chambers, Stonewall Jackson: The Legend and the Man to 
Valley V, Volume I; Stonewall Jackson: Seven Days to the 
Last March, Volume II (New York: William Morrow and 
Company, 1959 ) ; and Robeson County Medical Society, Our 
Medical Heritage: A History of Medicine in Robeson County 
(Lumberton: Privately Printed, 1959). 



Volume XXXVII 

JULY 1960 

Number 3 

Published Quarterly by 

State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 


Hugh Talmage Lefler Sarah M. Lemmon 

Frontis Withers Johnston Glenn Tucker 

Robert H. Woody 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph Phillip Hanes 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Liter- 
ary and Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00 
receive this publication without further payment. Back numbers may 
be procured at the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER— "Aunt Mirny Carding Cotton at Vernon," home of 
John and Elizabeth Washington in Kinston. This photograph 
was taken from a water color painted by Miss Ethel Hughes, 
from a description by her mother, Mrs. James B. Hughes, who 
was a granddaughter of the Washingtons and a daughter of 
Reuben and Eliza Knox (Little Betty of Reuben's letters). For 
the conclusion of a series of the Knox letters, see pages 397-418. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII July, 1960 Number 3 




George W. Kyte 



Norman C. Delaney 



John G. Barrett 


Daniel J. Whitener 

REUBEN KNOX LETTERS, 1849-1851 397 

Edited By Charles W. Turner 


Thomas's James Forte, a 17th Century Settlement — By- 
Paul Murray ; Eby's The Old South Illustrated, By Porte 
Crayon — By H. G. Jones ; White's Messages of the Gov- 
ernors of Tennessee. Volume V, 1857-1869 — By James 
W. Patton; Burns's History of Blount County , Ten- 
nessee; from War Trail to Landing Strip, 1795- 
1955 — By Robert E. Corlew; Chambers's Stonewall 
Jackson : The Legend and the Man to Valley V, Volume I, 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 


Stonewall Jackson : Seven Days to the Last March, Vol- 
ume II — By George Osborn ; Green's The Stephen Foster 
Story: A Symphonic Drama — By Martha Pingel; Har- 
well's Kate: The Journal of a Confederate Nurse. By 
Kate Gumming — By H. H. Cunningham; Simonini's 
Education in the South. Institute of Southern Culture 
Lectures at Longwood College, 1959 — By J. P. Freeman ; 
Bardolph's The Negro Vanguard — By Tinsley L. Sprag- 
gins; Elkins's Slavery: A Problem in American Institu- 
tional and Intellectual Life — By William A. Settle, Jr. ; 
Gipson's The British Isles and the American Revolu- 
tion: The Southern Plantations, 17^8-17 '5 k, Volume II 
of The British Empire before the American Revolution 
— By Carlos R. Allen, jr.; Waller's Samuel Vetch: 
Colonial Enterpriser — By Daniel M. McFarland; 
Clark's George Washington's Navy — By William H. 
Wroten, Jr. ; Cappon's The Adams- Jefferson Letters: 
The Complete Correspondence Between Thomas Jeffer- 
son and Abigail and John Adams — By D. H. Gilpatrick ; 
Stoutenburg's Dictionary of the American Indian — By 
Stanley A. South; and Conkin's Tomorrow A New 
World: The Netv Deal Community Program — By 
George Osborn. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXVII July, 1960 Number 3 




By George W. Kyte* 

The War for American Independence was a long and haz- 
ardous struggle. American victories were few in the years 
from the surrender of General John Burgoyne at Saratoga to 
that of Charles, Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. British vic- 
tories, on the other hand, posed a serious threat to the security 
of Georgia and the Carolinas. The British commenced to 
turn their attention to the South in 1778, and their offensive 
opened successfully with the capture of Savannah. A com- 
bined Franco-American force then attempted to recapture 
Savannah in the following year, but the garrison repelled the 
attackers with heavy loss to the latter. The tide of victory con- 
tinued to run in favor of British arms in 1780 when General 
Sir Henry Clinton, closely supported by the Royal Navy, be- 
sieged and captured Charleston. Flying columns of dragoons 
and light infantry then overran the interior of South Carolina 
and approached the borders of North Carolina. It seemed, by 
the summer of 1780, that everything south of Virginia would 
soon be conquered by the victorious redcoats. The British 
advance was checked momentarily by the summer sickly 
season, however, and the North Carolina militia began to turn 
out in considerable numbers to defend their State from in- 

General George Washington, alarmed by the British vic- 
tories, decided to send a detachment of Continental troops 

* Dr. George W. Kyte is Associate Professor of History at Lehigh Uni- 
versity, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. He wishes to express his thanks to the 
Lehigh Institute of Research for a grant-in-aid which facilitated his 


322 The Morth Carolina Historical Review 

from his army in New Jersey to reinforce the defenders of 
the Carolinas. General Johann Kalb (the self-styled Baron de 
Kalb), who commanded the detachment, led his troops to 
North Carolina and halted there when he learned that 
Charleston had fallen. The command of America's Southern 
Department devolved upon him when General Benjamin 
Lincoln became a prisoner of war at the surrender of Charles- 
ton. Kalb was a foreigner with no influential friends in Phila- 
delphia, however, and Congress decided to appoint a general 
to supersede him. Washington's choice for the command was 
General Nathanael Greene, but Congress passed over Greene 
in favor of General Horatio Gates, the victor of Saratoga. 

Gates accepted the command of the Southern Department 
and hurried from his plantation in Virginia to put himself at 
the head of his army. He took charge of his troops in July, 
1780, and lost no time in leading them toward Camden, South 
Carolina, where a British army was encamped. Unfortunate- 
ly, he led his men through a thinly-inhabited and infertile 
part of the Carolinas during the heat and humidity of July 
and August. Many of his soldiers became sick, and the army 
was in a sorry state by the time it had reached its objective. 
Nevertheless, Gates led it into action, and the laurels which 
he had won at Saratoga were soon tarnished by a crushing 
defeat at Camden. 

The American army was made up partly of regulars and 
partly of Virginia and North Carolina militia. Many of the 
militia were ill-trained and poorly armed and equipped, and 
it was risky to send them into battle against British regulars. 
Gates accepted the risk, however, and sent Continentals and 
militia alike into action against the British on August 16, 
1780. 1 The results of Gates' tactics were catastrophic. Most of 
his militia broke and fled when a line of redcoats advanced 
upon them with fixed bayonets. Gates was swept from the 
field by the rush of fugitives, and Kalb and his Continentals 
were left alone to fight against Cornwallis' entire army. Kalb 

1 John R. Alden (ed.), The War of the Revolution. By Christopher Ward 
(New York: The Macmillan Company, 2 volumes, 1952), II, 724-732, here- 
inafter cited as Alden, War of the Revolution. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 323 

and his men fought bravely, but they were finally over- 
powered. Some of the Continentals escaped, but many were 
captured and many others, including General Kalb, were 
killed. All told, the American army lost about 1,000 regulars 
and militia killed, wounded, or captured. The victorious 
British lost but 324 officers and men. 

Camden brought an end to Gates' hope of driving the 
British from the interior of South Carolina. The survivors 
from his beaten army fled to Hillsboro, leaving South Caro- 
lina at the mercy of the British. Fortunately for Gates and 
his soldiers, the British army remained at Camden for several 
weeks instead of commencing an immediate invasion of 
North Carolina. The British marched northward in Septem- 
ber, however, while Gates' army was still too shattered to 
offer any effective resistance. Some North Carolina militia 
took the field against the advancing redcoats, but it seemed 
unlikely that they could turn back the veterans who had 
captured Charleston and triumphed at Camden. 

The North Carolina militia proved themselves to be made 
of tough fiber. They delayed the advance of the main British 
army by a determined stand at Charlotte, and they wiped 
out a column of Tories led by Major Patrick Ferguson of the 
British army. A combination of frontiersmen from western 
Virginia and North Carolina, together with the "over-moun- 
tain men" from settlements in what is now Tennessee, trapped 
and defeated Ferguson's men on the crest of Kings Moun- 
tain on October 7, 1780. 2 Ferguson himself was killed and 
his followers were killed or captured in the action. 

The victors of Kings Mountain returned to their homes 
after the battle. However, their victory had important results. 
It discouraged the Tories and deprived them of the services 
of a large number of fighting men. It encouraged the Whigs, 
and, most important of all, it induced Cornwallis to retreat 
from North Carolina, thereby giving Gates' army a respite 
in which to regroup. 

Meanwhile, Congress took steps to replace Gates. General 
Washington was empowered to choose a new commanding 

2 Alden, War of the Revolution, 741-745; J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton (ed.), 
"King's Mountain: Letters of Colonel Isaac Shelby," Journal of Southern 
History, IV (August, 1938), 367-377. 

324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

general for the Southern Department and he lost no time in 
selecting General Greene. The selection proved to be a for- 
tunate one; Greene distinguished himself as an able leader 
and a brilliant strategist in his campaigns in the South. 3 

Greene accepted his new command with some misgivings. 
The army which he was to lead had been terribly shattered at 
Camden. Moreover, the South had been a graveyard for the 
reputations of Greene's predecessors. General Robert Howe 
had been defeated at Savannah. General Lincoln had had to 
surrender at Charleston. Gates had suffered defeat at Cam- 
den, and Kalb had been killed in action. In the circumstances, 
it is understandable that Greene entered upon his new duties 
with some reluctance. 

Nathanael Greene was thirty-eight years of age at the time 
of his appointment to the Southern Department. He was 
blond, blue-eyed, stocky, and broad-shouldered. He had a 
stiff knee and walked with a limp, but he was in good health 
in all other respects. He had been born and brought up in 
Rhode Island, and had been a member of the Society of 
Friends there. He had served in the Rhode Island militia be- 
fore becoming an officer in the Continental army, and he had 
been expelled from his Quaker Meeting because of his will- 
ingness to bear arms. He had served as a brigadier general 
during the siege of Boston and had then been promoted to 
major general in August, 1776. He had gained the friendship 
and respect of General Washington and had been entrusted 
with important commands in the battles of Trenton, Brandy- 
wine, and Germantown. Later he was quartermaster general 
of the army from March, 1778, until August, 1780. He was 
appointed commandant of West Point shortly after the de- 
fection of Benedict Arnold. He was busily engaged in 

8 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 842-844; John R. Alden, The South in 
the Revolution, 1763-1789 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
Volume III of A History of the South, edited by Wendell H. Stephenson 
and E. Merton Coulter, 1957), 267; John W. Fortescue, A History of the 
British Army (London: The Macmillan Company, 13 volumes in 14 books, 
1899-1930), III, 404, hereinafter cited as Fortescue, History of British 
Army; Francis V. Greene, General Greene (New York: D. Appleton and 
Company, 1893), 317-320; Theodore Thayer, Nathanael Greene: Strategist 
of the American Revolution (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1960), 330-331, 
334-337, 365. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 325 

strengthening the defenses of West Point when he received 
Washington's request to take command of the army in the 

Greene knew from reports from the Carolinas that his 
army lacked adequate supplies of arms, clothing, tents, 
blankets, and camp equipage. Therefore, he entered upon his 
new duties by journeying to Philadelphia to request aid from 
Congress in forwarding supplies to his troops. He visited, 
also, the capitals of Maryland and Virginia to request supplies 
and reinforcements for his army. He received promises of 
help, but the poverty of Congress and the southern States 
made it impossible for them to forward as many men and as 
much equipment as he had requested. 

Gates relinquished command of the army to Greene when 
the latter reached camp at Charlotte on December 2, 1780. 
Greene then reviewed the army and found that it consisted 
of but 2,036 officers and men fit for duty. 4 Only about 800 
of the troops were Continentals; the remainder were Virginia 
and North Carolina militia. They were so poorly clothed and 
equipped that Greene exclaimed in a letter to Congress, "The 
regular force that is here is so naked and destitute of every 
thing that but little more than half of them are fit for any 
kind of duty. . . ." 5 He added that, "The troops from Virginia 
may literally be said to be naked." The troops were not quite 
naked, but they were in rags and tatters. Some of the soldiers 
were so poorly clothed that Greene was obliged, as he in- 
formed Governor Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, "to send a 
considerable number of them away into some secure place 
and warm quarters, until they can be furnished with 
clothing." 6 

Greene worked tirelessly throughout December to restore 
order and discipline in his army. He bombarded Governor 

4 "Return of the Southern Army of the United States . . . ," December 8, 
1780, U. S. Continental Army, Adjutant General's Returns, manuscript, 
William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 

6 Greene to President of Congress (Samuel Huntington), December 7, 
1780, Letters of General Greene, I, 471-479, Papers of the Continental 
Congress, No. 155 (Washington, D. C: National Archives), hereinafter 
cited as Letters of General Greene. 

* Green to Jefferson, December 6, 1780, Julian Boyd (ed.), The Papers of 
Thomas Jefferson (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 15 volumes 
[to date], 1950 — ), IV, 183, hereinafter cited as Boyd, Jefferson Papers. 

326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Jefferson with requests for recruits, arms, clothing, tents, and 
blankets. While waiting for supplies and reinforcements, he 
decided to move his army from Charlotte, where the country- 
side had been exhausted by foraging, to the Cheraw district 
of South Carolina in the valley of the Pee Dee River. There 
was reason to believe that the army would be better fed at 
Cheraw than at Charlotte because the Pee Dee Valley was 
fertile and had not been picked clean by foraging parties. 

The move from Charlotte to Cheraw smacked of a retreat. 
It left the western districts of the Carolinas at the mercy of 
British and Tory forces operating from Cornwallis' camp at 
Winnsboro and the fort at Ninety-Six. Greene was deter- 
mined, however, to give some protection to the Whigs in the 
western districts. He hit upon a daring plan to meet the situ- 
ation. Disregarding the classic rules of warfare, he divided 
his army into two parts. The main army encamped at Cheraw, 
while a detachment of some 600 officers and men, command- 
ed by Brigadier General Daniel Morgan, marched westward 
across the Catawba River into the district bounded by the 
Broad and Pacolet rivers. 7 

Greene's strategy seemed to be a desperate gamble. It ex- 
posed the army and Morgan's detachment to the possibility of 
being beaten in detail. However, there was method to 
Greene's madness. His army was so lightly-equipped that it 
was very much like a flying column of light infantry and 
dragoons. Moreover, the detachment which Greene sent 
westward was commanded by an able soldier and experi- 
enced frontiersman who was well-qualified to lead troops 
through the mountainous and heavily-forested terrain of the 
western Carolinas. Morgan was hardly the man to be taken 
by surprise by the British, and both Morgan and Greene 
hoped to be able to make a very rapid retreat if they were 
pursued by Cornwallis. 

Moreover, Greene, who was a careful, cautious man, had 

7 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 750-752 ; Greene to Morgan, December 
16, 1780, William Johnson, Sketches of the Life and Correspondence of 
Nathanael Greene (Charleston, S. C: A. E. Miller [for author], 2 volumes, 
1822), I, 346-347, hereinafter cited as Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael 
Greene; Greene to President of Congress, December 28, 1780, Letters of 
General Greene, I, 497-504. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 327 

made preparations for a rapid retreat if it became necessary. 
He knew that the principal rivers of North Carolina — the 
Catawba, Yadkin, and Dan — could be fatal obstacles to a 
retreating army. He knew, also, that the rivers, when swollen 
by recent rains, could be major obstacles to the advance of 
the British army. In the light of his knowledge of the rivers, 
he sent officers to examine the fords and to collect boats, 
barges, and ferries. 8 Thus, if it became necessary to retreat, 
the American forces would have the means to cross the rivers 
quickly and would then be in position to force the British 
to march upstream to the nearest ford before continuing their 

Morgan's detachment crossed the Catawba in mid-Decem- 
ber and marched to the banks of the Pacolet River. Lieutenant 
Colonel William Washington's dragoons were sent beyond 
the Pacolet to protect the people of western South Carolina 
from a band of Tories who were ravaging the frontier dis- 
tricts. Washington's troops defeated the Tories, inflicting 
heavy losses upon them, and drove the survivors back toward 
Ninety-Six. Thus Morgan's operations got off to a good start, 
but their success quickly called Cornwallis' attention to the 
presence of an American detachment on his left, or western, 

Cornwallis saw what he thought was a golden opportunity 
when he realized that Morgan's men were separated by 140 
miles of rural roads — mere tracks and ruts through the wil- 
derness — from Greene's camp at Cheraw. 9 The British army 
could cut Morgan off from any possibility of support from 
Greene by marching up the west bank of the Wateree and 
Catawba rivers. At the same time, a flying column of dragoons 
and light infantry could be sent to attack Morgan's camp on 
the Pacolet. If all went well, one-third of Greene's army could 
be destroyed at one stroke! Such a victory would be fitting 
revenge for King's Mountain. It was a glittering opportunity, 
and Cornwallis grasped for it eagerly. 

8 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 751-752. 

9 For a description of the "roads" of North Carolina, see Charles Christo- 
pher Crittenden, "Overland Travel and Transportation in North Carolina, 
1763-1789," The North Carolina Historical Review, VIII (July, 1931), 239- 

328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Cornwallis ordered his swashbuckling, brutal young cavalry 
commander, Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton, to lead 
a flying column to attack Morgan's detachment. Tarleton 
advanced rapidly, and Morgan began to retreat before him. 
He had retreated only a short distance before deciding to 
stand and fight. He had about 1,000 officers and men, only 
about one-third of whom were regulars, as opposed to about 
1,100 regulars under Tarleton's command. He posted his men 
on a thinly-wooded hill at Cowpens and waited for Tarleton s 

Tarleton was young and impetuous. 10 He had been ren- 
dered overconfident after winning a series of one-sided vic- 
tories. In the circumstances, Morgan had every reason to 
expect him to make a head-on attack upon the American 
camp. Morgan made an ingenious disposition of his troops 
to meet the expected attack. He placed a thin line of riflemen 
behind trees and stumps to pick off as many British officers 
and sergeants as they could. The riflemen were to fall back 
upon a line of North and South Carolina militia when they 
were hard-pressed. The militia were then to fire two rounds 
apiece at close range at the oncoming British. The militia, in 
their turn, were to fall back behind the strongest part of Mor- 
gan's detachment, the Maryland and Delaware Continentals 
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel John Eager Howard. 
Colonel Washington's cavalry was stationed in reserve behind 
Howard's line, ready to dash forward to protect the retreating 
militia or the flanks of the main American battle line when 
their help was needed. 

The story of the Battle of Cowpens has been told before. 11 
It should suffice to say here that Tarleton proved to be as 
impetuous as usual when he reached Cowpens on the morn- 

10 For an account of Tarleton's military career, read Robert D. Bass, 
The Green Dragoon: The Lives of Banastre Tarleton and Mary Robinson 
(New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1957), hereinafter cited as Bass, 
The Green Dragoon. 

11 Bass, The Green Dragoon, 153-159; Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 
755-762; Lynn Montross, "America's Most Imitated Battle," American 
Heritage, VII (April, 1956), 35-37, 100-101; Hugh F. Rankin, "Cowpens: 
Prelude to Yorktown," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI (July, 
1954), 336-369. Tarleton's account of the battle is to be found in his A 
History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern Provinces of 
North America (London: T. Cadell, 1787), 215-218, hereinafter cited as 
Tarleton, History of Campaigns. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 329 

ing of January 17, 1781. He was so eager to attack Morgans 
little army that he allowed his men no breakfast, deployed 
them at once, and rushed forward to overwhelm the riflemen 
and militia in his front. The riflemen exacted a heavy toll of 
casualties before falling back on the militia. The militia fired 
their two shots per man at close range and then retreated 
quickly. Colonel Howard's Continentals then made a magnifi- 
cent stand. Washington's cavalry, and the militia who had 
fallen back after meeting the initial charge of Tarleton's men, 
came to their aid, and Tarleton's infantry were thrown into 
complete disorder and, finally, were routed by a bayonet 
attack. Tarleton and some of his dragoons made their escape, 
but the infantry were surrounded and shot down or forced 
to surrender. All told, about 900 of Tarleton's command were 
killed, wounded, or captured. Two field-pieces, two flags, 800 
muskets, and large quantities of ammunition and equipment 
were taken by the victorious Americans. 

The victory at Cowpens helped to turn the tide of war in 
the South. It deprived Cornwallis of most of his light infantry 
and weakened his army quite seriously. 12 It encouraged the 
Whigs of the Carolinas and further discouraged the Tories 
( some of whom were just beginning to regain their courage 
after Kings Mountain). Morgan was unable, however, to 
remain upon the scene of his victory. He was obliged to aban- 
don his captured fieldpieces and to retreat rapidly to avoid 
being cut off by the main British army. He retreated across 
the Broad and Catawba rivers, marching northeast toward 
an eventual junction with the American army. Cornwallis 
fell behind by a march or two and failed to intercept Mor- 
gan before he could cross the Catawba. However, his lord- 
ship was determined to press on, and, to facilitate a rapid 
advance, he turned his entire army into a flying column by 
burning all excess baggage and knocking in the casks which 
contained the rum supply for his troops. 13 

Cornwallis' army made a mad dash through the interior of 

"Fortescue, History of British Army, III, 364-365; Alden, War of the 
Revolution, II, 762, 765. 

M Charles Stedman, The History of the Origin, Progress, and Termination 
of the American War (London: J. Murray [for author], 2 volumes, 1794), 
II, 326, hereinafter cited as Stedman, History of American War. 

330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina in the cold and rainy weather of January and 
February, 1781, in order to avenge the disaster at Cowpens. 
The redcoats forced their way across the Catawba in the 
face of spirited resistance by North Carolina militia com- 
manded by General William Lee Davidson. 14 The militia 
were dispersed, Davidson was killed in action, and the red- 
coats plunged on along muddy forest trails in pursuit of the 
retreating Americans. The British sometimes advanced thirty 
miles a day, despite the hardships of their march, but they 
failed to overtake the lightly-equipped and fast-moving 
Americans. Morgan's column and Greene's army succeeded 
in making a junction near Guilford Court House. Morgan's 
column had been hard-pressed during its retreat, but it had 
crossed the formidable barrier of the Yadkin River safely, 
partly because of Davidson's stand at the Catawba, and 
partly because of Greene's foresight in rounding up the boats 
and barges on the several rivers before retreat had become 

Greene hoped to make a stand somewhere in North Caro- 
lina, but only a few militia had joined his army during its 
rapid retreat and he decided that it would be foolhardy to 
fight anywhere south of the Dan. Consequently, he and his 
weary soldiers resumed their retreat and came to a halt only 
after putting the Dan between themselves and the enemy. 
Once again, Greene's foresight facilitated the escape of the 
retreating army. Boats and barges had been collected to 
ferry the army across the Dan, and the troops and their bag- 
gage succeeded in crossing before Cornwallis could overtake 
them. 15 

The forced marches which had taken Greene's and Corn- 
wallis' armies to the Dan had been agonizing experiences for 
Americans and British alike. Both armies had lost many 
officers and men from sickness brought on by exposure to 
winter weather. Both armies had shed a number of deserters 

"Chalmers G. Davidson, Piedmont Partisan, The Life and Times of 
Brigadier-General William Lee Davidson (Davidson: Davidson College, 
1951), 114-119. 

15 Greene to Jefferson, February 15, 1781, Boyd, Jefferson Papers, IV, 
615-616; Greene to Baron von Steuben, February 15, 1781, Steuben Papers 
(New York: New- York Historical Society), hereinafter cited as Steuben 
Papers; Stedman, History of American War, II, 332. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 331 

and stragglers. But Greene had reaped important advantages 
by his retreat. He had reached the borders of Virginia, a 
populous and friendly State in which reinforcements of militia 
and Continental recruits were being raised in his behalf. 
Cornwallis, on the other hand, had marched far from his 
bases in South Carolina. No reinforcements were available 
to him in North Carolina, and a hostile countryside lay ahead 
of him north of the Dan. His redcoats were exhausted from 
their breakneck advance, and he dared not lead them across 
the river. However, he could not remain for long in a posi- 
tion far from his bases in face of an American army which 
would be reinforced heavily from Virginia. In the circum- 
stances, he had to turn back from the Dan, and he did so on 
February 19, leading his men back to Hillsboro by easy 
marches. 16 

Greene lost no time in recrossing the Dan when he learned 
of Cornwallis' retreat. He sent Lieutenant Colonel Henry 
Lee's Legion and a body of riflemen south of the Dan as 
early as February 19 to harass Cornwallis' foraging parties. 17 
Shortly thereafter, Greene himself crossed the river and com- 
menced a cautious advance into North Carolina. His army 
was still numerically weak, and he was careful to avoid battle 
with the British. However, he sent his light infantry and Lee's 
Legion to observe and harass the enemy, and some hard 
fighting resulted from collisions of the American light troops 
with British and Tory detachments. Cornwallis remained, 
meanwhile, in the vicinity of Hillsboro, reluctant to continue 
his retreat and eager to fight a battle if Greene would but 
give him an opportunity to do so. 

Cornwallis had to wait until mid-March before fighting 
his battle. Greene continued to avoid battle until then in 
order to give time for reinforcements from Virginia and North 
Carolina to reach his army. The army had doubled in 
strength, reaching a total of about 4,900 officers and men by 
March 13, and, on that day, Greene advanced to occupy a 

16 Tarleton, History of Campaigns, 229 ; Stedman, History of American 
War, II, 332. 

17 Henry Lee to Greene, February 20, 1781, Greene Papers, William L. 
Clements Library; Greene to President of Congress, February 28, 1781, 
Letters of General Greene, I, 585-591. 

332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

strong position at Guilford Court House. 18 His troops en- 
camped on a thickly-wooded slope, and he deployed them 
in a manner similar to that which Daniel Morgan had used 
at Cowpens, The first of three defensive lines was composed 
of North Carolina militia with some Continentals on their 
flanks. A line of Virginia militia was posted about three hun- 
dred yards farther uphill in a densely-wooded area. The third 
line, several hundred yards farther back, was made up of 
Continental infantry and was Greene's principal battle line. 
Greene hoped that the militia would take a heavy toll of the 
British regulars before they could reach his Continentals. 
Then, if all went well, the Continentals would rout the British 
in something like the manner in which they had been routed 
at Cowpens. 

It was foolhardy of Lord Cornwallis to attack Greene's 
carefully chosen defensive position at Guilford. Cornwallis 
had only slightly more than two thousand officers and men 
available for an attack upon the army which outnumbered his 
own by two-to-one. After detaching a force to guard his 
baggage, he was able to lead slightly more than 1,900 officers 
and men to the attack. 19 There was a possibility that his army 
would be shattered in its charge uphill against the multiple 
lines of American militia and regulars, and, if that had hap- 
pened, the army could hardly have escaped from the interior 
of North Carolina to its base at Camden, 180 miles away, or to 
the British-held seaport of Wilmington, at the mouth of Cape 
Fear River, 190 miles away. Nevertheless, Cornwallis ad- 
vanced toward Guilford and made a head-on attack upon 
the American army on March 15, 1781. 20 

18 Only about 4,500 of Greene's troops saw action at Guilford; the re- 
mainder were detached to guard the army's baggage. See Otho Holland 
Williams, "Field Return of the Southern Army . . . 13th March, 1781," 
Papers of George Washington, 168, Library of Congress, hereinfater cited 
as Papers of George Washington. 

16 Field Return of the Troops Under the Command of Lieutenant-General 
Earl Cornwallis in the Action at Guilford, 15th March, 1781," Sir Henry 
Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library. 

20 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 784-794. Contemporary accounts in- 
clude Tarleton, History of Campaigns, 270-279; Henry Lee, Memoirs of the 
War in the Southern Department of the United States (Philadelphia, 
Penna.: Bradford and Inskeep, 2 volumes, 1812), I, 339-358, hereinafter 
cited as Lee, Memoirs of the War; Cornwallis to Lord Germain, March 17, 
1781, Benjamin Franklin Stevens (ed.), The Campaign in Virginia, 1781 
(London, 1888), I, 354-362, hereinafter cited as Stevens, Campaign in 
Virginia; Greene to President of Congress, March 16, 1781, contemporary 
copy in Papers of George Washington, 168. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 333 

Cornwallis attack might have been repelled if all three of 
Greene's lines had fought as hard as Morgan's men had done 
at Cowpens. However, most of the North Carolina militia in 
the first line broke and melted away into the woods after 
making only a token resistance. Thus, the British suffered 
only a few casualties in their assault on Greene's first line of 
defense. The Virginia militia, unlike the North Carolinians, 
resisted furiously. Cornwallis' solders found themselves in- 
volved in a prolonged and confused fight in the woods before 
they were able to drive the Virginians before them. The 
redcoats then attacked Greene's line of Continentals and 
found themselves engaged in a desperate battle which ended 
only after Greene decided to withdraw after his line had 
fallen into some confusion. Greene had some reserves avail- 
able and could have played one last card by throwing them 
into action. He was reluctant, however, to risk total defeat in 
a gamble for total victory. 21 Consequently, he ordered a re- 
treat, and Cornwallis' weary soldiers found themselves in 
possession of the field after having lost 532 officers and men 
killed and wounded. Greene's losses in killed and wounded 
were only about half those suffered by the British, but a large 
number of the militia were "missing"— they had simply gone 
off to their homes after deciding that war was too dangerous 
a game for them! 

The British victory at Guilford Court House was a Pyrrhic 
one. It completed the ruining of Cornwallis' army. The cumu- 
lative losses of Cowpens, the winter campaign in North Caro- 
lina, and the battle of Guilford left Cornwallis with only half 
as many men as he had had in his field army at the beginning 
of January, 1781. 22 Many of the men who remained alive in 
the British army were sick or wounded, and a considerable 
number of these unfortunates died shortly after Guilford. In 
such distressing circumstances, Cornwallis could not long 
remain in the interior of North Carolina. His army was nearly 

21 Lee, Memoirs of the War, I, 350-352. 

22 "State of the Troops that Marched with the Army under the Command 
of Lieutenant-General Earl Cornwallis" [April 1, 1781], Stevens, Cam- 
paign in Virginia, I, 376, gives the strength of Cornwallis' army for January 
15, February 1, March 1, and April 1, 1781. See also, Sir Henry Clinton to 
Cornwallis, April 30, 1781, Stevens, Campaign in Virginia, I, 441-445. 

334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

destitute of provisions, and his foraging parties could not 
venture from his camp without danger of being cut off and 
destroyed by Greene's light troops or parties of North Caro- 
lina militia. 23 Therefore, Cornwallis stayed at Guilford for 
but two days and then commenced a long, painful retreat 
toward Wilmington. He had won a battle, but lost the cam- 
paign and had abandoned North Carolina. 

Cornwallis' retreat from the banks of the Dan River and 
his further retreat from Guilford Court House were turning 
points in the campaign. They represented defeat for the 
British and victory for the Americans. The American army 
had been defeated upon the battlefield, but Greene's strategy 
of drawing his enemies far from their bases had resulted in 
greatly weakening the British army and had left it isolated 
in the midst of a hostile countryside. Then, as the redcoats 
retreated down the long road to Wilmington, Greene's col- 
umns became the pursuers. The British army began to dis- 
integrate a bit, as stragglers and numbers of seriously 
wounded men were left behind to be taken by the advancing 
Americans. A shortage of provisions and the fact that the 
time of many of the American militia had expired during the 
campaign forced Greene to call a halt to his pursuit of Corn- 
wallis. 24 The survivors of Cornwallis' shattered army then 
made their way down the valley of the Cape Fear River to 
safety at the British-held post at Wilmington. 

The rereat to Wilmington was part of a complete reversal 
of the role of the British army in the Carolinas. The British 
had taken the offensive and had driven Morgan and Greene 
all the way from the Pacolet and Pee Dee to the banks of the 
Dan. The invaders had threatened to overrun North Carolina 
and to complete, thereby, the subjugation of all the States 
south of Virginia. However, the offensive had collapsed, and 
the British had had to evacuate the State which they had 
tried to conquer. Greene had succeeded in gaining the initia- 

23 Stedman, History of American War, II, 347-348; Tarleton, History 
of Campaigns, 278-280. 

24 Greene to Jefferson, March 27, 1781, Boyd, Jefferson Papers, V, 258- 
259; Greene to the Marquis de Lafayette, March 29, 1781, Greene Papers, 
Clements Library; Greene to President of Congress, March 30, 1781, Letters 
of General Greene, II, 17-21. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 335 

tive, and bands of militia had come to his aid in both of the 
Carolinas. Cornwallis' army, which reached Wilmington 
early in April, was temporarily impotent, and most of North 
Carolina was under the control either of Greene's army or of 
bodies of militia which co-operated with it. Meanwhile, par- 
tisan bands were active in attacking the British in South 
Carolina. Lord Cornwallis had not only come a-cropper, but 
his retreat had encouraged the Whigs everywhere and had 
discouraged the Tories to the point where they were more 
inclined to go into hiding than come to the aid of the British 
army. 25 

Cornwallis' retreat was a great triumph for General 
Greene's strategy and perseverance, but it presented him with 
some difficult problems. He could not hope to attack the 
British post at Wilmington without the support of a French 
fleet — and no fleet was available to come to his aid in the 
spring of 1781. What, then, should he do? Should he wait 
until Cornwallis departed by land or sea for South Carolina, 
or, possibly, for the Chesapeake? Should he advance into 
South Carolina to strike at British outposts there before Corn- 
wallis could come to their rescue? He pondered these ques- 
tions, and his answer was bold, imaginative, and may well be 
considered to have been one of the most brilliant strategical 
moves of the entire war. 

Greene decided not to dance to Cornwallis' tune. He knew 
that the British army had been seriously weakened by the 
hardships and losses of the Cowpens and Guilford campaigns, 
and he decided to strike into South Carolina while Cornwallis' 
redcoats were still resting at Wilmington. A more cautious 
and less imaginative general than Greene would have waited 
until Cornwallis had finally made his move from Wilmington. 
The cautious, conservative general would then have marched 
after Cornwallis in order to confront him in South Carolina, 
Virginia, or wherever his lordship chose to go. However, 
Greene declined to wait passively for Cornwallis to begin 
a new offensive somewhere. Greene began his own offensive, 
and, in doing so, he succeeded in overrunning most of the 

25 Cornwallis to Clinton, April 10, 1781, Stevens, Campaign in Virginia, 
I, 395-399. 

336 The North Carolina Historical Review 

interior of Georgia and South Carolina. Cornwallis, on the 
other hand, decided to march toward the Chesapeake to join, 
and take command of, a British detachment which was based 
at Portsmouth. Unknowingly, Cornwallis was marching to- 
ward utter disaster. Greene, meanwhile, was about to win a 
whole series of victories in which more than twelve hundred 
British and Tory prisoners were to fall into his hands. 

The American army, which had numbered about 4,500 
officers and men at Guilford Court House, dwindled to about 
2,400 fighting men by the end of March, 1781. 26 The Virginia 
militia, who had fought so well at Guilford, marched away en 
masse, leaving Greene to lament that, "The greatest advan- 
tages are often lost by the troops disbanding at the critical 
moment." 27 However, Greene wasted no time in wringing his 
hands at the loss of so many of his troops. Instead, he halted 
for a time to give his troops an opportunity to rest from the 
hardships of the Guilford campaign and the pursuit of Corn- 
wallis* army toward Cross Creek (now Fayetteville ) . He 
made no effort to march on toward Cross Creek and Wil- 
mington. Instead, he made his decision to invade South Caro- 
lina. He informed the Marquis de Lafayette, then command- 
ing the American detachment in Virginia, of his decision 
when he wrote to the latter on April 3 that he was determined, 
"to carry the war into South Carolina. . . ." 28 The invasion of 
South Carolina would, he thought, prevent Lord Cornwallis 
from marching into Virginia to make a junction with the 
British detachment operating there. It would serve to draw 
the British from their post in Virginia, and Greene hoped 
that Lafayette would then be able to march southward to 
join the American army in the Carolinas. Eventually, if all 
went well, the combined forces of Greene and Lafayette, 
possibly reinforced by General Anthony Wayne's Pennsyl- 
vania Continentals, would be able to give Cornwallis a 

26 Otho Holland Williams, "Return of Infantry Serving in the Southern 
Army of the United States . . . ," March 31, 1781, Papers of George Wash- 
ington, 169. Williams gives exact figures for Continentals but makes only an 
estimate of militia. 

27 Greene to President of Congress, March 30, 1781, Letters of General 
Greene, II, 17-21. 

28 Photostat of Greene to Lafayette, April 3, 1781, Greene Papers, 
Clements Library. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 337 

"drubbing" which would force him to abandon the interior 
of the Carolinas in order to defend Charleston. 

Greene's hopes of receiving aid from the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette were soon dashed. The British detachment in Virginia 
was heavily reinforced by the arrival from New York of a 
strong force commanded by Major General William Phillips. 
Lafayette was unable to drive Phillips' force out of Virginia, 
and Phillips pressed Lafayette's troops so hard that none of 
them could be spared to reinforce Greene. Meanwhile, 
Wayne's Continentals, who were stationed at York, Pennsyl- 
vania, were not yet clothed, equipped, and ready to march 
to Lafayette's assistance. Thus Greene was unable to receive 
the reinforcements which he had hoped would be available 
to him from Virginia. His chances of "drubbing" Cornwallis 
or Francis, Lord Rawdon. Cornwallis' lieutenant in South 
Carolina, decreased accordingly. Nevertheless, he persevered 
in his determination to invade South Carolina while Lafay- 
ette remained in Virginia to defend that State against its 

British, Hessian, and Loyalist forces in South Carolina out- 
numbered Greene's army by three or four-to-one when the 
American army advanced to attack them. However, the Brit- 
ish forces were widely scattered, and many of them were 
stationed at isolated forts which guarded towns, river cross- 
ings, and concentrations of military supplies. These forts were 
threatened by bands of raiders who struck from time to time 
from their hideaways in the swamps and pine forests. There- 
fore a large part of the British army in South Carolina and 
Georgia was occupied in garrison duty and in patrolling the 
roads. The main force of about 1,000 officers and men was 
stationed at Camden, near the scene of Cornwallis' victory 
over Gates, to protect the interior of South Carolina against 
an invasion or large-scale raid by Greene's troops. 

The destruction of the British corps at Camden was 
Greene's first objective. He hoped to fall upon the British 
before they could send for and receive any reinforcements. If 
all went well, he hoped to surprise and smash the garrison 
of Camden — the best fighting force available to the British in 
South Carolina — and then push on quickly to co-operate with 

338 The North Carolina Historical Review 

General Francis Marion and other partisan leaders in captur- 
ing the several British outposts in the interior of the two 
southernmost States. 

Greene's army began its march upon Camden on April 7. 29 
It had to march more than 150 miles from Ramsey's Mill, in 
the interior of North Carolina, before reaching its objective. 
The war- weary troops were ragged and poorly equipped, and 
they were unable to make a lightning advance across the 
many rivers, streams, and swamps in the countryside through 
which they had to march. Consequently they covered only 
about twelve miles a day, and the British received warning 
of their approach long before they had reached the imme- 
diate vicinity of Camden. Lord Rawdon's soldiers then pro- 
ceeded to strengthen their redoubts and to prepare for a 
determined defense of the military stores and provisions 
which were housed at Camden. 

The American army reached the vicinity of Camden on 
April 19. 30 They had made a tremendous comeback since they 
had retreated across the Dan River two months before. They 
were 250 miles south of the Dan when they reached the 
neighborhood of Camden, and they were engaged in offen- 
sive operations against an enemy who had lost the initiative 
in the South. The enemy, who had but recently been on the 
offensive, was reduced to standing upon the defensive behind 

Greene reconnoitered Camden and found its redoubts and 
earthworks too strong to be taken by assault. He had no 
siege guns, and his field guns were too few and too small 
to batter down the enemy's defenses. In the circumstances, 
he was forced to take a strong position near Camden upon 
a wooded elevation known as Hobkirk's Hill. While he 
waited for South Carolina militia to come to his assistance, 
the garrison of Camden remained behind their earthworks 
and a temporary stalemate developed. Greene's army was too 
weak to storm Camden, and Rawdon's army was too weak 
to storm Hobkirk's Hill. 

29 Greene to President of Congress, April 22, 1781, Johnson, Sketches of 
Nathanael Greene, II, 91-93. 

80 Greene to President of Congress, April 22, 1781, Johnson, Sketches of 
Nathanael Greene, II, 91-30. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 339 

Military stalemates sometimes last a long time, but the one 
at Camden was very short-lived. Lord Rawdon received news 
from a deserter that Greene's army was weak and ill-equip- 
ped and that it was deployed along a fairly wide front. Raw- 
don had fewer than 1,000 men available for combat, but he 
decided to advance against Greene's army (which numbered 
about 1,500 officers and men, including Continentals and 
militia alike ) . The British — almost all of whom were Loyal- 
ists in regular units assigned to the British army — advanced 
towards Hobkirk's Hill by a circuitous route which led them 
through underbrush and clumps of trees toward Greene's 
left flank where the ascent was relatively easy. The redcoats 
were able to advance almost to the bottom of the slope be- 
fore they were discovered by American pickets who had 
been unable to see them as they marched through the broken 
and wooded countryside. The pickets put up a stout resist- 
ance, however, and Greene's Continentals were able to form 
in line of battle on their wooded hilltop before the British 
could fall upon them. 

The battle of Hobkirk's Hill, fought on April 25, 1781, 
resulted in another one of General Greene's defeats. 31 Greene 
was an able strategist, but his battlefield tactics were con- 
spiciously less successful than his strategy. Greene's Con- 
tinentals advanced downhill to meet the British after the 
American field-pieces had unleased a sudden blaze of grape- 
shot. The British faltered momentarily, then rallied and held 
their ground. There was a hot fire-fight at close range for a 
moment, and both sides suffered heavy casualties. Then a 
company of Maryland Continentals fell into disorder when 
one of their officers was shot down. The confusion among 
the Marylanders increased until Lieutenant Colonel John 
Gunby felt obliged to order an entire battalion to retreat to 
a new position and re-form. The retreat of Gunby's battalion 
threw the rest of the line into disorder and brought about a 
general retreat. 32 Greene succeeded in rallying some Virginia 

ffl Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 802-808; Greene to Baron von Steu- 
ben, April 27, 1781, Steuben Papers, VII. 

32 Greene to Joseph Reed, May 4, 1781, William B. Reed, Life and Corres- 
pondence of Joseph Reed (Phildelphia, Penna. : Lindsay and Blakiston, 
2 volumes, 1847), II, 352-353, hereinafter cited as Reed, Life of Joseph Reed. 

340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Delaware Continentals who covered the retreat and 
saved his fieldpieces from capture. The American army was 
driven from the field, however, and Greene was forced to 
add Hobkirk's Hill to his list of battlefield misfortunes. He 
had already been beaten at Guilford Court House, and he 
had shared in Washington's defeats at Brandywine and Ger- 

Colonel William Washington's dragoons had been sent to 
attack the rear of the enemy's line while the infantry fire-fight 
was in progress. His troopers made too long a circuit around 
Rawdon's army and finally fell upon the noncombattants — 
surgeons and commissaries — who were stationed behind the 
line of battle. Washington took a considerable number of 
prisoners, and then reached the field of battle in time to play 
a part in the rear guard action which covered the American 
retreat. Washington's exploits helped to salvage some glory 
for the beaten army, but Washington and his dragoons might 
possibly have turned the tide of battle had they spent less 
time taking prisoners among rear-area soldiers. 

The losses on both sides in the brief but hard-fought battle 
were very heavy. Greene lost some 270 officers and men who 
were killed, wounded, or captured. Rawdon lost 258 officers 
and men, or about one-fourth of his entire force. Both sides 
were badly hurt by their losses, but the British had the satis- 
faction of claiming a victory. 

Greene was very depressed by his defeat at Hobkirk's Hill. 
He had hoped to win a victory over Rawdon if the latter 
chose to risk a battle. However, Gunby's blunder (Greene 
considered it a blunder ) in ordering his men to retreat instead 
of rallying them on the spot, had broken the American line 
and had led to defeat. 33 Greene's hope of winning a series of 
victories as a result of his offensive began to fade momentar- 
ily, but they revived in short order. Hobkirk's Hill was not, 
as it turned out, fatal to Greene's plans. The American army 
was forced to retreat only a short distance, and it was soon 
able to advance again while the British evacuated not only 
Camden but a large part of Georgia and South Carolina. 

88 Reed, Life of Joseph Reed, II, 352. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 341 

The chain of British posts which connected Camden with 
Charleston was already under attack before Hobkirk's Hill. 
Greene had sent Colonel Lee's Legion of dragoons and 
mounted infantry to march to South Carolina in advance of 
the main American army. Lee was under orders to find and 
make a junction with the South Carolinians commanded by 
General Francis Marion. Lee and Marion were then to bend 
every effort to capture the forts which the British had erected 
to guard river crossings and road junctions along their lines 
of communication. 

Lee's column joined Marion's partisans on April 14 some- 
where in the swamps of the Black River in the Williamsburg 
district of South Carolina. The British posts on the Santee 
and Wateree rivers, between Camden and Charleston, were 
their objectives and they lost no time in attacking one of 
them. They commenced to besiege a stockaded post, called 
Fort Watson, on April 15. 34 Fort Watson was an important 
link in the chain of British posts between Camden and 
Charleston. It guarded the north-south line of communica- 
tions along the Wateree River. It was garrisoned by about 
120 British regulars and Tories and was protected by a 
stockade and a triple ring of felled trees with their branches 
interlocking in an eighteenth-century equivalent of a barbed- 
wire entanglement. There was no artillery in the fort, but 
Lee and Marion possessed no artillery either. 

The besiegers made but little headway against Fort Watson 
for a time. They needed artillery to batter down the defenses, 
but without artillery they were unable to take the fort until 
Major Hezekiah Maham, a South Carolinian, hit upon an 
ingenious scheme to overwhelm the garrison. Maham sug- 
gested that a tower of crossed timbers should be erected to 
a height which would enable marksmen stationed on a firing 
platform on the top of it to shoot downward into the fort. A 
"Maham Tower," as it came to be called, was quickly erected, 
and the fire of the sharpshooters on top of it soon brought 
about the capture of the fort. 35 Thus the line of communica- 

34 (Francis) Marion to Greene, April 23, 1781, Greene Papers, Clements 
Library; Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 50-52. 
* Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 51-52, 

342 The North Carolina historical Review 

tions between Camden and Charleston was broken, and a 
major contribution was made toward the liberation of the 
back country of South Carolina from British occupation. 

There is no need to go into the details of the sieges which 
followed the fall of Fort Watson. The presence of Greene's 
army in South Carolina was enough to pin down Lord Raw- 
don so that he was unable to march to the assistance of the 
forts which Lee and Marion captured, one by one, with the 
help of Maham Towers and a single fieldpiece which Greene 
sent to them. Fort Motte, located on the south bank of the 
Congaree River, was the next post after Fort Watson to be 
attacked by Lee and Marion. It was an important supply 
base on the route from Charleston to Camden and Ninety- 
Six. The fort, which was located on a high and commanding 
hill, was invested on May 8. The garrison made a vigorous 
defense, but the fort was taken after a siege which lasted 
only a few days. 30 All told, 184 prisoners were taken at Fort 
Motte; the loss of Forts Watson and Motte cost the British 
more than 300 officers and men who were killed or captured. 

The loss of Forts Watson and Motte seriously endangered 
Lord Rawdon's position at Camden. Rawdon announced to 
his officers on May 9 that Camden was to be evacuated on 
the next day. Preparations were made to destroy such stores 
as could not be loaded in the baggage wagons, and it was 
decided to leave the men who had been seriously wounded at 
Hobkirk's Hill behind under the care of surgeons until the 
arrival of Greene's army at Camden. The British army then 
marched southward from Camden on May 10, leaving their 
excess baggage and stores, the town jail, and some flour mills 
in flames. 37 It was a bitter moment for the victors of Hobkirk's 
Hill; they had lost more than 200 men killed and wounded in 
battle, but their sacrifices had failed to save Camden. The 
most mortifying sight of all to the retreating soldiers as they 
marched from their burning base was the hospital in which 

36 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 73-79. 

37 Greene to Washington, May 14, 1781, Papers of George Washington, 
174, published with minor discrepancies, Jared Sparks (ed.), Correspondence 
of the American Revolution (Boston; Mass.: Little, Brown and Company, 
4 volumes, 1853), III, 310-312, hereinafter cited as Sparks, Correspondence 
of the Revolution. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 343 

fifty-three of their own wounded and thirty-four captured 
Continentals were left behind. Hobkirk's Hill, like Guilford 
Court House, had been an empty victory for the British and 
had been followed by the retreat of the victors and the ad- 
vance of the vanquished! 

Lord Rawdon's column retreated sixty miles to Nelsons 
Ferry on the banks of the Santee without being harried or 
pursued by Greene's little army. However, Greene's army 
marched down the west bank of the Wateree to McCord's 
Ferry on the Congaree to support the besiegers of Fort Motte. 
Upon arriving in the vicinity of the fort, the Americans 
learned that it had already fallen. Tidings of still another 
victory came within a few days after the fall of Fort Motte. 
Patriots of the Edisto River Valley had taken advantage of 
Rawdon's preoccupation with Greene to attack the British 
post at Orangeburg. The Edisto Valley men joined General 
Thomas Sumter's partisans in considerable numbers, and 
Sumter and his followers succeeded in capturing Orange- 
burg on May 14. 38 Nearly 100 prisoners, and considerable 
quantities of provisions, arms, and ammunition were taken at 
Orangeburg. The cumulative losses suffered by the British 
in the evacuation of Camden and the loss of Forts Watson, 
Motte, and Orangeburg were quite heavy. All told, some 450 
British, Hessian, and Tory fighting men were captured, and 
the remaining British forts in the interior of South Carolina 
were isolated and seriously endangered. 

Disaster continued to spread throughout South Carolina 
despite Rawdon's efforts to prevent it. He sent orders to 
Forts Granby and Ninety-Six to order the evacuation of those 
places, but his couriers were captured by American scouting 
parties. 39 Consequently, the garrisons of the two forts re- 
mained where they were until they, too, were besieged. Raw- 
don retired toward Monck's Corner, only a little more than 
thirty miles from Charleston, while awaiting the arrival of 
garrisons from the two forts. Meanwhile, Greene occupied a 
position at Fort Motte, squarely across the route which Raw- 

38 Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, III, 310-312. 
^Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 810-811; there is a contemporary 
account in Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 72-73. 

344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

don would have had to travel to relieve Fort Granby. Greene 
then sent General Marion's South Carolinians toward George- 
town, on the seacoast, while Lee's Legion and some 
Continental infantry were detached to besiege Fort Granby. 

Fort Granby was located at Friday's Ferry, near the pres- 
ent site of Columbia, South Carolina, about thirty miles up 
the Congaree from Fort Motte. It was garrisoned by more 
than 360 officers and men, and, according to Colonel Lee, the 
fort was so strong that, had it been stoutly defended, "it could 
not have been carried without considerable loss, except by 
regular approaches; and in this way would have employed 
the whole force of Greene for a week at least, in which period 
Lord Rawdon's interposition was practicable." 40 Fortunately 
for Lee, however, Fort Granby surrendered on the morning 
of May 15 after the garrison had made only a token resist- 
ance. The garrison was allowed to march to Charleston as 
prisoners of war under parole not to fight again until formal- 
ly exchanged. Thus the bag of prisoners taken at the several 
British posts in South Carolina swelled to more than 800, 
and the captors of Fort Granby found themselves in posses- 
sion of valuable quantities of ammunition, salt, liquor, and 
other useful articles. 41 

The fall of several forts and the loss of more than 800 men 
spelled ruin for the British and Tories in the interior of 
Georgia and South Carolina. Hundreds of fugitives, with their 
Negro slaves, fled from the back country to Rawdon's camp 
at Monck's Corner. Other hundreds of refugees poured into 
Charleston, and panic and despair swept through the minds 
and hearts of Tories throughout the area in which the pres- 
ence of Greene's army had made it possible for such partisan 
leaders as Francis Marion, Andrew Pickens, and Thomas 
Sumter to take the offensive. The victory gained by Rawdon's 
brave soldiers at Hobkirk's Hill was obviously fruitless. 
Greene's strategic planning had resulted in overwhelming 
success despite the momentary check suffered upon the 

40 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 81-82. 

41 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 85. See also, Edward Hyrne, "Return of 
Prisoners Taken at Fort Granby, 15th May, 1781," Papers of George Wash- 
ington, 174. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 345 

Lee's capture of Fort Granby was followed by an even more 
impressive victory at Augusta. Lee began his march toward 
Augusta almost immediately after the fall of Fort Granby. His 
scouts reached the vicinity of Augusta on May 20 and soon 
learned that the annual present of small arms, ammunition, 
liquor, salt, and blankets for the Indian tribes had been stored 
nearby at a small stockaded post known as Fort Galphin 
( also Fort Dreadnought ) . Lee then led his men on a forced 
march in weather which he described as "sultry beyond 
measure" to try to surprise the garrison at the fort. 42 He suc- 
ceeded in taking the fort and its garrison quickly and easily 
through use of a strategem. The victory cost Lee but one man 
who died of heat exhaustion and several men wounded. The 
fall of the fort cost the British several men killed, 112 cap- 
tured, and the loss of a considerable quantity of stores which 
were then put to use by the Americans in the siege of Augus- 
ta. 43 The cumulative loss suffered by the British reached a 
total of more than 900 officers and men killed and captured 
after the fall of Fort Galphin. 

Lee turned his attention to the siege of Augusta imme- 
diately after taking Fort Galphin. The place was strongly 
fortified and had a garrison of more than 300 officers and men, 
but Lee was strongly reinforced by Georgia militia com- 
manded by Colonel Elijah Clarke and South Carolinians 
commanded by General Pickens. The attackers outnumbered 
the defenders by more than two-to-one, but they encountered 
determined resistance and had to fight hard to capture Au- 
gusta. Plunging fire of a six-pounder mounted on a Maham 
Tower finally rendered the principal fort at Augusta unten- 
able, and the garrison surrendered on June 4. 44 

The surrender of Augusta brought British losses in South 
Carolina and Georgia to more than 1,200 officers and men 
killed or captured at the taking of the forts which had fallen 
to Lee, Marion, Sumter, and Pickens. Greene's invasion of 
the Deep South had led to a whole series of victories which 
had resulted in the liberation of a vast part of the two south- 

42 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 89. 

48 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 90-91. 

44 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 102-117; joint letter of Lee and General 
Andrew Pickens, June 5, 1781, contemporary copy in Letters of General 
Greene, II, 135-136. 

346 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

ernmost States and had virtually reduced the British to the 
defense of Charleston and the lowlands within thirty or forty 
miles thereof. 

While Lee and Pickens were engaged in taking Augusta, 
Greene led his army westward from Fort Granby to besiege 
the fort at Ninety-Six. The taking of Ninety-Six, which had 
a garrison of more than 500 Tory regulars and militia, 
would have been the crowning victory of Greene's campaign 
in South Carolina. However, Greene's luck ran out at Ninety- 
Six. The garrison, commanded by a New York Tory, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel John Harris Cruger, resisted stoutly, and 
neither artillery fire nor the use of a Maham Tower enabled 
Greene to overcome the defenders. Lord Rawdon, mean- 
while, after enduring agonies of retreat and misfortune, was 
reinforced by several battalions of crack troops who had been 
sent to Charleston from the British Isles. Rawdon added the 
flank companies — the light infantry and grenadiers — of the 
new arrivals to his army at Monck's Corner and then set out 
on a series of forced marches toward Ninety-Six. 45 Greene 
learned of the approach of Rawdon's relief column and or- 
dered storming parties to attack the fort. The attack took 
place on June 18 and the attackers were driven back with 
heavy loss after some desperate hand-to-hand fighting. 46 
Greene's army then retreated within a day or two, and Raw- 
don's relief column, terribly fatigued from forced marches in 
the heat and humidity of summer, marched into Ninety-Six 
on June 21 with the cheers of the heroic garrison ringing in 
their ears. 

Ninety-Six was Greene's third defeat in the Carolinas. He 
had already been defeated at Guilford Court House and 
Hobkirk's Hill, but he had been able to take the offensive 
after each of his setbacks. He succeeed in regaining the 
initiative once again after his defeat at Ninety-Six. Lord 
Rawdon could not remain for long in the Ninety-Six district 
with a hostile countryside between him and his principal base 
at Charleston, nearly 180 miles away. Consequently he was 
forced to order the evacuation of Ninety-Six shortly after 

45 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 820-821. 

"Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 126-129; Greene to the President of 
Congress, June 20, 1781, contemporary copy in Papers of George Washing- 
ton, 177. 

Greene's Strategy in the Carolinas 347 

his arrival at that place. 47 Once again, as at Hobkirk's Hill, 
Rawdon had gained a victory only to be forced to retreat be- 
cause Greene's offensive strategy had resulted in the capture 
of key forts along his lines of communication. 

Greene's spring offensive in the Deep South ended with the 
siege of Ninety-Six. The deadly summer "sickly season" made 
it impossible to carry on military operations in July and 
August. Moreover, Greene's army was weary from its exer- 
tions and weakened by the losses which it had suffered at 
Hobkirk's Hill and Ninety-Six. Accordingly Greene marched 
to the High Hills of Santee and encamped his men on high 
ground where they could escape the ravages of malaria and 
dysentery. 48 The British, meanwhile, abandoned the interior 
of South Carolina and Georgia and fell back to Orangeburg, 
which they occupied for a time, and then to a camp at Eutaw 
Springs on the Santee River, about 55 miles from Charleston. 

No effort will be made here to describe the campaign which 
led to the battle of Eutaw Springs on September 8, 1781. The 
outcome of the battle, in which Greene suffered another of 
his defeats, is well-known. Greene's army remained intact 
after Eutaw Springs, however, and defeat was no more fatal 
to his plans than his previous battlefield defeats had been. 
He remained in effective control of the interior of the Deep 
South throughout the remainder of 1781 and 1782 until the 
British finally decided to evacuate Charleston and Savannah. 
He was denied the satisfaction of winning a battle at any 
time during his campaigns in the Carolinas, but he had suc- 
ceeded in driving Lord Cornwallis from North Carolina and 
Lord Rawdon from the back country of Georgia and South 
Carolina in the space of less than four months from the time 
his troops recrossed the Dan River to begin their long march 
southward. During those four months, Greene had done 
nothing less than beat two British armies (without winning 
a battle) and had proved himself to be one of the finest 
strategists developed by either side during the course of the 

47 Lee, Memoirs of the War, II, 133-134; Greene to President of Congress, 
July 17, 1781, contemporary copy in Papers of George Washington, 180. 

48 Alden, War of the Revolution, II, 825; Greene to President of Congress, 
July 26, 1781, Letters of General Greene, II, 223-229. 


By Norman C. Delaney* 

On June 5, 1862, the Congressional Committee of Elections 
met to hear the case of Charles Henry Foster. It was Foster's 
fourth appearance in Washington as a claimant to a seat 
in the Thirty-seventh Congress. The thirty-two year old 
former resident of Maine 1 was supplied with memorials and 
certificates of an election held on Hatteras Island, North Car- 
olina, on January 30 of that year. Foster rested his claim upon 
these and other expressions of public opinion in his behalf, 
although he could not assert any legal right to a seat. He con- 
sidered himself the choice of all loyal men in the Second 
District and characterized those at Hatteras who had "elect- 
ed " him as the most loyal in North Carolina. 2 

Charles Henry Foster was one of the minor controversial 
figures of the Civil War. Because of his unorthodox activities 
he was labeled by the Southern press as a "poor creature." 
"vile scoundrel/ 7 and "stray Yankee." 3 So intense was feeling 
against Foster that Confederate authorities offered rewards 
for his death or capture. To Confederates in North Carolina 
Foster was the worst of turncoats— he had denounced and 
fled the South only to return as self-appointed champion of 
the North Carolina Unionists. 

* Mr. Norman C. Delaney is teaching in the Department of History, 
State Teachers College, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 

*In 1875 Foster described himself as 5' 9", weighing 145 pounds, with 
sallow complexion, dark brown hair, and dark gray eyes. The best available 
sketch on Foster is a Bowdoin College alumni questionnaire answered by 
him in 1875. This is located in a Bowdoin (Class of 1855) scrapbook in 
the Boston Public Library, hereinafter cited as Bowdoin Questionnaire, 
1875. Another class scrapbook at Bowdoin College contains a short bio- 
graphical sketch written in 1881, hereinafter cited as Foster Sketch, 1881. 
This scrapbook also contains a lengthy obituary of Foster (the name and 
date of the newspaper are not given), but it is not altogether reliable. 

2 House Report, No. 118, Thirty-seventh Congress, Second Session, here- 
inafter cited as House Report No. 118. 

3 North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), June 12, 1861. This newspaper was 
issued as a weekly, tri-weekly, and daily during its years of publication 
and will hereinafter be cited as the Standard. See also the Fayetteville 
Observer, September 12, December 30, 1861. 


Foster and the Unionists 349 

Foster was born in Orono, Maine, on February 18, 1830, 
the first child of Cony and Caroline Foster. Cony, an Orono 
merchant, was married to the daughter of Benjamin Brown 
of Vassalboro, one of the wealthiest men in Maine. 4 Eight 
children were born to them, of whom five lived. 

Charles H. Foster studied law under the direction of Asa 
Watkin and Israel Washburn, Jr., before entering college in 
1851. His preparation for Bowdoin (at Brunswick) was un- 
dertaken at Oldtown, Maine, with Thomas Tash. Charles 
entered college with his brother, Benjamin, who was one 
year younger, and they remained roommates during all four 
years at Bowdoin. While there, Foster gained oratorical ex- 
perience in the Athenaean Club, while the Democratic Club 
helped in the shaping of his politics. He was also a member 
of Psi Upsilon and the Praying Circle. In his Junior term, 
Foster participated in the Prize Declamation of his class, 
speaking on Sumner's "The Landmark of Freedom." During 
his last year he served as college librarian and at commence- 
ment delivered the English oration, entitled "The Deliver- 
ance from Doubt." At the time of his graduation in 1855, 
Foster was a member of Phi Beta Kappa. 5 

Following graduation, Foster was admitted to practice 
law at Bangor, Maine, by the Penobscot County Supreme 
Judicial Court. However, he spent the years from 1855 to 
1856 as teacher and principal of the Cony School for Boys in 

In 1857 Foster left Maine and soon appeared in Norfolk, 
Virginia. There he served as editor of two daily newspapers— 
the Southern Statesman and the Norfolk Day Book. 6 This 
experience led to Foster's purchase of the Citizen, a Demo- 

* Benjamin Brown's philanthropy helped to establish the insane asylum at 

6 Bowdoin Questionnaire, 1875. Bowdoin granted Charles Foster an M.A. 
degree in 1861. 

"Benjamin Hedrick, formerly a professor at the University of North 
Carolina, became personally acquainted with Foster at about this time. 
(Hedrick had been dismissed from the University in 1856 because of his 
vote for Fremont.) Hedrick later accused Foster of using the Norfolk Day 
Book to stir up and help bring about secession. Benjamin Sherwood 
Hedrick Papers, Duke University Library, Durham, hereinafter cited as 
Hedrick Papers. 

350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cratic weekly, at Murfreesboro, North Carolina. He became 
its editor on January 1, 1859. 7 

Foster was readily accepted by the citizens of Murfrees- 
boro, and he was soon engaged in practicing law as well as 
journalism. His neighbours recognized Foster as a citizen of 
the State by electing him to the National Democratic Con- 
vention in the Spring of I860. 8 

Personal plans prevented him from attending the conven- 
tion at Charleston, however, since Foster was married on 
May 1 to Sue Agnes Carter, 26, the daughter of Perry and 
Priscilla Carter, a prominent family of Murfreesboro. 9 Foster 
attended the Democratic Convention at Baltimore which 
nominated Stephen A. Douglas, although his own choice 
for the presidency was John Breckinridge. He used the Citi- 
zen to support the Breckinridge-Lane ticket as well as to 
help advance the "sound principles and true policy" of the 
Knights of the Golden Circle, to which he belonged. In an 
editorial, Foster referred to himself as "a Southern man 
permanently identified with the institutions of the South/' 10 
The Knights advocated territorial acquisition through the 
annexation of slave colonies as independent states. Their 
dream included the colonizing of Mexico with slave-holders 
and organizing a militant Home Guard to suppress slave 
insurrection and repel "Abolition invasion." The order's 
sworn members were pledged to "defend Constitutional 
rights and to espouse the cause of the South against the North 
in the event of a sectional collision." n Charles H. Foster, 
being an active Knight, undertook to explain the order's prin- 
ciples at public meetings and through his newspaper. 

In spite of these indications that Foster would support a 
Southern Confederacy, secession and war brought about a 
change of heart. After the fall of Fort Sumter, Foster's atti- 
tude made people suspicious, and he was expelled from Mur- 
freesboro at a public meeting. However, after an appeal to 

7 Bowdoin Questionnaire, 1875. 

8 House Report, No. 118. 

9 The marriage was performed by the Reverend William Hooper, D.D., 
L.L.D., Bowdoin Questionnaire, 1875. 

10 Citizen (Murfreesboro), August 30, 1860, hereinafter cited as Citizen. 
u Citizen, August 30, 1860. 

Foster and the Unionists 351 

Governor John W. Ellis and by the efforts of friends, Foster 
was allowed to remain. 12 Foster made it clear to them that 
his oath as a Knight of the Golden Circle prevented his taking 
sides against the South. Nevertheless, Foster's loyalty to the 
Union prevailed. In June, 1861, he fled to Washington where 
he reported that "nobody in North Carolina is allowed to 
be for the Union, or even neutral, under penalty of death. 
The most absurd lies are told and believed." He described 
the State's four or five regiments as "well-armed, ignorant, 
undisciplined, insubordinate, and whiskey-drinking." 13 Al- 
though his reports were published anonymously, the South- 
ern press recognized Foster as their author. Foster's wife and 
baby daughter, both still in Murfreesboro, were kept under 
surveillance in the event that Foster should hazard a return 
to them. 

Foster may or may not have spent part of the summer of 
1861 in North Carolina, but about the first of September he 
was in Washington claiming to have been engaged in secret 
activities in that State. The press reported that Foster, a "fed- 
eral Congressman-elect from North Carolina," was to confer 
with the administration "upon affairs connected with his 
State." 14 "Rebel scouts," who reportedly had tried to ambush 
Foster in Virginia, had been successfully eluded. 15 In an inter- 
view with President Lincoln, Foster offered the government a 
brigade of North Carolina loyalists. 16 He reported that secret 
leagues of loyal citizens existed in every county and num- 
bered one-half of the State's voters. Also, that these leagues 
had arranged for congressional elections in every district, four 
having been held on August 21. Foster claimed that those 
elected, the "best men in the State," would possess certifi- 
cates of election bearing the Governor's signature and the 
State seal. 17 According to Foster, he himself had run openly 

13 J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (New 
York, 1914), 84, 85. 

13 Standard, June 12, 1861. 

u New York Times, September 4, 1861; New York Herald, September 12, 

25 New York Times, September 4, 1861. 

16 New York Daily Tribune, New York Herald, and Fayetteville Observer, 
all for September 12, 1861. 

17 Fayetteville Observer, September 12, 1861. 

352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and had been elected from one of the western districts, and 
the large percentage of Union men required only "Govern- 
ment support to redeem (them) from rebel rule. . . ." 18 

The Fayetteville Observer vehemently denied the stories 
being circulated by Foster in Washington and stated that 
the "vile scoundrel" was "working hard for the commission 
of General which he is seeking from Lincoln. . . . Should he 
fail, it will not be for want of lying." The newspaper asserted 
that any secret leagues were "very secret" and that Foster's 
claims were all "falsehoods made out of the whole cloth." 19 
Benjamin Hedrick, who was in Washington, wrote to Sal- 
mon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, denouncing Foster 
as "an unmitigated humbug and cheat." According to Hed- 
rick, Foster had not been in North Carolina as he claimed, 
and the published letters telling of his activities there were 
all forgeries. These facts were later substantiated by the 
Committee of Elections. Hedrick contended that ". . . there 
is no need of making bogus members of Congress of such 
miserable swindlers as Foster." 20 

Foster's impressive claims of loyalty in North Carolina 
were being enhanced by events then transpiring on the coast 
—on desolate Hatteras Island. After the capture of Forts 
Hatteras and Clark in late August, so-called Union sentiment 
began to be fostered by military personnel and by the local 
pastor. The Reverend Marble Nash Taylor, a Virginian, had 
been assigned to the Cape Hatteras Mission on December 11, 
1860, by the North Carolina Methodist Conference. 21 When 
Federal occupation of Hatteras began with much looting and 
destruction of property, many Islanders felt obliged to take 
the oath of allegiance to safeguard their property. This was 
stated in a letter Taylor wrote to a brother-in-law in Cumber- 
land County. 22 Within a short time the minister had become 

™ Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, September 14, 1861. 

19 Fayetteville Observer, September 12, 1861. 

20 Benjamin Hedrick to Salmon Chase, September 15, 1861, Hedrick Papers. 

21 Minutes of the Twenty-fourth Session of the North Carolina Conference 
of the M. E. Church, South, Held at Salisbury, North Carolina, Dec. 5-11, 
1860 (Raleigh, 1861). The parish was listed as 479 members, 1 colored 
man, and 40 white probationers. At the December, 1861, meeting, Taylor 
was unanimously voted out as "a traitor to his Conference, his State, and 
the Southern Confederacy." Standard, December 11, 1861. 

22 Western Democrat (Charlotte), October 1, 1861. 

Foster and the Unionists 353 

the most zealous Unionist on the Island. Taylor not only 
began preaching on the evils of secession, but also considered 
himself the political as well as spiritual leader. 

Reports from Colonel Rush C. Hawkins, commanding the 
Ninth New York Zouaves, to General John Wool overempha- 
sized the taking of loyalty oaths. Hawkins reported that with- 
in ten days after the Federal occupation began nearly all the 
male adults had taken the oath. A few volunteers were also 
willing to serve as spies on the mainland, spreading disaffec- 
tion for the Confederacy while obtaining military intelligence. 
Eight of these men were captured and imprisoned, causing 
alarm to Governor Henry T. Clark, who feared that "evil in- 
fluences" might extend to the mainland. Hawkins declared 
that an election would bring one third of North Carolina 
back into the Union within two weeks. Like Charles Foster, 
his belief was that fear alone prevented the people from 
stating their loyalty. 23 

In the North these reports were circulated as evidence that 
North Carolina was soon to be restored to the Union. The 
New York Herald correspondent at Hatteras reported that 
"Union feeling is universal on this island, and of a genuine 
and honest character." 24 Many in the North failed to realize 
that what most Islanders wanted was merely to be left alone. 
It was true, however, that they had little reason to be sympa- 
thetic towards the Confederacy. Their geographic isolation 
had kept them a race apart from mainlanders, economically, 
politically, and socially. When 250 voters on the Island 
voted in early 1861, only 19 men expressed themselves in 
favor of secession. 25 The few pro-Southern families either left 
the Island after the surrender of the forts or remained dis- 

23 The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of 
the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C. : Government 
Printing Office, 70 volumes [127 books and index], 1880-1901), Series II, II, 
61, 62; Series I, IV, 617, 618, hereinafter cited as Official Records. 

21 New York Herald, September 10, 1861. 

25 New York Times, September 9, 1861. This election cannot be otherwise 
verified. In the presidential election of November 6, 1860, the voters of 
Hatteras Village divided their votes evenly between Lincoln and Douglas, 
43 votes each. John W. Rollinson Book, 1845-1905, Southern Historical 
Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The reports which reached Lincoln prompted him to draft 
an order for recruiting loyal North Carolinians at Fort Hat- 
teras. 26 As a result, some fifty or sixty Island men were 
organized into Company I, First North Carolina Union Regi- 
ment. The Company was used to garrison Forts Hatteras and 
Clark (with a cadre force of Federals). 27 

As early as September 5, 1861, the Reverend Taylor 
thought of trying to induce the citizens of Hyde County to 
secede from the State. However, Commodore S. C. Rowan 
advised him to cultivate the Union sentiment instead. 28 Events 
a month later at Chicamacomico Village strengthened the 
plan. On October 5 two Confederate regiments made a sur- 
prise raid on the northern end of Hatteras Island, where the 
Twentieth Indiana Regiment was camped, forty-five miles 
from reinforcements. Colonel Hawkins had stationed the 
regiment there to protect the loyal people from Confederate 
reprisals. The Indianans were easily routed and fled. In their 
retreat down the beach they were accompanied by about 
five hundred inhabitants of Chicamacomico, of every age and 
condition. One soldier later stated that the sight of them flee- 
ing for dear life was "the most sorrowful sight of all." 29 
Abandoned homes were looted and burned by Confederates 
who regarded vacancy of the homes as proof of hostility 
towards the Confederacy. Fishing vessels were carried off, 
thus depriving many families of their livelihood. 30 Although 
"horrible outrages" were reported, only one civilian was 
killed. An old man of 70, who had not fled, was shot by a 
"devil incarnate" from a Georgia Regiment. 31 Many Islanders 
now had additional reasons to regard the Confederates as 
enemies and to be sympathetic towards a Union movement. 
Some were doubtless shocked by epithets being used against 
them by a hostile Southern press. Old stories about the law- 

36 Official Records, Series I, IV, 613. 

27 Information supplied by Mr. Rufus Basnett of Frisco, Hatteras Island, 
whose father, Zachariah, was a corporal in Company I. Mr. Basnett claims 
that only one Islander, Benjamin B. Dailey, enlisted in Confederate service. 
Dailey was captured along with 680 other Confederates in Fort Hatteras, 
August 29, 1861. Interview with Mr. Basnett, August, 1958. 

28 Official Records, Series I, VI, 173. 

28 E. A. Duyckinck, The War for the Union (New York, 1868), I, 549. 

30 New York Herald, October 13, 15, 1861. 

a New York Herald, October 13, 1861 ; Official Records, Series I, IV, 626. 

Foster and the Unionists 355 

less "wreckers" on the Outer Banks were once again popular 
on the mainland. 32 

On October 12 the Reverend Mr. Taylor organized a meet- 
ing at Trent Church in order to develop a platform of loyalty 
to the Union. Resolutions were introduced and addresses 
given by selected citizens of Hyde County. Among the speak- 
ers was Charles Henry Foster, who warned the gathering 
that success for the Confederacy would result in either a 
monarchy or a military despotism. Two local men, R. B. Bal- 
lance and Alonzo J. Stowe, presided over the meeting. A com- 
mittee was appointed to prepare a statement of grievances 
against the Confederacy and to frame a declaration of inde- 
pendence. Marble Taylor, William O'Neil, and Caleb B. 
Stowe were responsible for the declaration, which was 
modeled after that of 1776. The document listed a total of 
forty-two grievances against the "bold, bad men" of the 
Confederacy, ranging from fraud and falsehood to "shocking 
barbarities," a "reign of terror," and murder: ". . . from these 
tyrants and public enemies we now dissever ourselves, soci- 
ally and politically, forever." 33 An important provision was 
the repudiation of the Confederate government and the plan 
for "the establishment at an early day of a Provisional State 
government for the loyal people of North Carolina." 34 

Foster and Taylor began planning the government in which 
both men would have leading roles. Assistance in fostering 
favorable public sentiment in the North was furnished by 
the Herald correspondent at Hatteras. He wrote of the "loyal, 
peaceable, inoffensive" Islanders as being reduced to abso- 
lute want: 

. . . Without shoes, in tattered garments, hungry, with no escape 
but to the arms of Secessia, which they have repudiated under 
oath, they can do no otherwise than appeal to the sympathy and 
generosity of the North for aid. I understand that the Rev. Mr. 
Taylor, whom from personal acquaintance and observation, I 
can recommend as truthful and trustworthy, will soon visit New 
York on a mission of succor for this people. It is but little that 

82 Fayetteville Observer, September 19, 23, 1861. 

88 New York Herald, October 28, 1861; Frank Moore (ed.), The Rebellion 
Record (New York: 11 volumes, 1861-1865), III, 177-179. 
84 New York Herald, October 28, 1861, 

356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

he will ask for. Send him back not empty, as you hope for the 
smiles of Heaven upon the cause of the Union and your own 
consciences. 35 

In the latter part of October, Taylor left Hatteras for New 
York, accompanied by Chaplain T. W. Conway of the New 
York Zouaves. They were scheduled to address a large gather- 
ing at Cooper Institute in an appeal for the Union men of 
Hatteras. Foster was already in New York making arrange- 
ments for furthering the provisional government scheme. 38 
Taylor and Conway arrived in New York with endorsements 
from General Wool, Simon Cameron, and Abraham Lincoln. 
Lincoln wrote: "I have no doubt that the gentlemen ... are 
true and faithful, and that their mission of charity is most 
worthy and praiseworthy." 37 

The meeting at Cooper Institute, November 7, 1861, was 
presided over by George Bancroft, the historian. Among the 
notables present were William Cullen Bryant, William E. 
Dodge, John J. Astor, and General Ambrose Burnside. 
Marble Taylor spoke eloquently of the "clever, kind, simple- 
hearted" people of Hatteras. 38 According to Taylor, the whole 
population of "four thousand persons 39 flocked down to 
Colonel Hawkins, and gladly took the oath of allegiance." As 
a consequence of their loyalty, they now had no bread, nor 
salt for their fish. He was in New York, he continued, in order 
to obtain flour and breadstuffs upon credit, as "they are not 
beggars at all." Tavlor concluded by appealing in his own 

... I had been sent down there by the North Carolina Conference 
as a minister. The Missionary Board appropriated $250, expect- 

85 New York Herald, October 28, 1861. 

86 The Fayetteville Observer accused Foster of trying to enlist Confederate 
prisoners at the Rip Raps as "soldiers under the Stars and Stripes." Foster 
was reportedly mortified by being branded a "coward" by the officer in 
command at the Rip Raps, who forbad him to "utter such language." 
Fayetteville Observer, November 7, 1861. 

87 Roy P. Basler (ed.), The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (New 
Brunswick, New Jersey: 8 volumes, 1953), V, 3, hereinafter cited as Basler, 
Works of Lincoln. 

88 New York Times, November 8, 1861. 

89 Hatteras Island had an 1861 population of not more than 1,800 
persons; less than 100 of these were Negroes. 

Foster and the Unionists 357 

ing the people to be able to raise $300. But the people could only 
raise me $60 or $70 and I had $10 besides, so that I had $75 
which I sent over to the main to procure breadstuffs for the 
troops, for I loved every soldier there, but to my astonishment 
the Secessionists got hold of my $75 and pocketed that. I shall 
stand there upon my return home, without bed or bedding, 
without a roof to shelter my head, or the head of my wife and 
only child . . . . 40 

Chaplain Conway corroborated the statements of his 
"brother," after which he described a church service where 
he had been guest minister. Since the congregation had com- 
prised both soldiers and Islanders, Conway considered it 
proof of the good relations existing between the two. His 
main illustration of native loyalty was the Twentieth In- 
diana's retreat at Chicamacomico, with the "whole population 
... in mass in front of the retreating regiment, without shoes 
and hats and almost in rags. . . " 41 

At the conclusion of the appeals, an eighteen-man Com- 
mittee of Relief was appointed to collect funds for purchasing 
food, clothing, and supplies. Syracuse, New York, offered to 
furnish all the salt needed by the Hatteras fishermen. 

Charles Henry Foster had not remained idle in New York. 
The authorities were notified by him of his claim that 60,000 
Unionists, including mining, railroad, and other large prop- 
erty interests of North Carolina, were willing to recognize the 
government that he and Taylor would initiate at Hatteras. 
Foster advised Frederick Seward, Assistant Secretary of 
State, that the two of them had conferred with every loyal 
North Carolinian they could find in New York, and had re- 
ceived their approval for a provisional government. In this 
way they had received "authority" to represent nearly thirty 
counties by proxy. Foster assured Seward that their governor 
would be "a man of age and experience; incorruptible and 
of true fidelity to the Union." 42 

Anxious to return to Hatteras from their successful mission, 
Taylor and Foster obtained special passes from Secretary of 

40 New York Times, November 8, 1861. Taylor was married to the former 
Catherine Munroe of Cumberland County, North Carolina. 
tt New York Times, November 8, 1861. 
a Official Records, Series III, I, 630, 

358 The North Carolina Historical Review 

State Seward and General McClellan. This enabled them to 
return by the quickest route. At Fortress Monroe the two men 
promptly sent a message back that they had received de- 
plorable accounts of destitution at Hatteras. The Relief Com- 
mittee was advised that if they proposed to do anything for 
their relief, "for God's sake, let it be done quickly . . . they 
need immediately 500 barrels of flour. Most of them can pay, 
but they cannot buy." 43 

The Hatteras Convention took place on November 18, 1861, 
at Hatteras Village, with ceremony and "respectability" pro- 
vided by local and military authorities. George W. Stowe was 
president of the Convention, with Zachariah Burras clerk. 
Forty-five counties were listed as being represented, although 
only six or eight delegates were actually present. Taylor and 
Foster held the thirty proxy "votes" which their New York 
trip had produced. An ordinance was drawn up proclaiming 
Taylor provisional governor, and another declared the ordi- 
nance of secession null and void. The new governor was au- 
thorized to call for a special Congressional election. After tak- 
ing the oath of office from Jethro A. Midgett, the Justice of 
the Peace, Taylor designated November 28 for this election by 
the voters of the Second Congressional District. 44 

A series of impressive documents began emerging from 
the new executive department, affixed with the State seal and 
witnessed by Taylor's private secretary, young Alonzo Stowe. 
These set forth the idealistic aims of Taylor's government to 
fulfill an "imperative obligation to God, to civilization, to 
freedom, and to humanity." It assured itself of the support of 
"thousands of good and faithful North Carolinians," who were 
to rise and assert their independence from "the wicked ty- 
rants" seeking to enslave them. 45 

Taylor's proclamations were published in the North, but 
from the Southern press came a storm of sarcasm. His govern - 

43 New York Times, November 19, 1861. On November 29 the schooner 
"E. Sneddon" was reported in the process of taking on cargo for the 
"Union men of Hatteras." The cargo consisted of flour, pork, beef, molasses, 
boots, shoes, dry goods, and other miscellaneous donations. New York Times, 
November 29, 1861. 

44 House Miscellaneous Documents, No. 2, Thirty-seventh Congress, Second 
Session, hereinafter cited as House Document No. 2. 

45 House Document No. 2. 

Foster and the Unionists 359 

ment, it was asserted, had been organized by "the Yankees 
and their fish canker prisoners." 46 The "Governor of the 
Wreckers" was promised a warm reception by the citizens of 
Robeson County, where Taylor owned some land and slaves. 47 
The Confederate officials insisted that North Carolina was 
united and unanimous in its opposition to the North. 

The announced congressional election occurred on Thurs- 
day, November 28, 1861, on Hatteras Island, the only section 
of the State under Federal control. The Island covered four 
precincts, and voting was done in the school buildings at 
Hatteras, Chicamacomico, and Kinnekeet, and at the home of 
Charles Foster 48 in Trent. The unanimous choice of the 
electors was Charles Henry Foster. Fifty-one votes were given 
him at Chicamacomico, ninety at Kinnekeet, fifty-six at Trent, 
and seventy-one at Hatteras. The election was supervised by 
the provost marshals of Camp Wool and Fort Hatteras and 
by thirteen authorized inspectors ( local men ) . 

Thus, from the Second District of North Carolina, a district 
of 9,000 voters, Foster received 268 votes, or all votes cast 
that day. Supplied with the certificate of his election, signed 
by Governor Taylor and attested with the State seal, Foster 
arrived in Washington to claim a seat in the Thirty-seventh 
Congress. The committee which investigated Foster in De- 
cember declared him ineligible to a seat from either the First 
or Second District. 49 Benjamin Hedrick continued to denounce 
Foster as a "charlatan and cheat." He advised the Senate 
Judiciary Committee that his only interest in working against 
Foster was to "prevent a swindler from attaining office to the 
great detriment of the Union, and ... a needless disgrace 
offered to [Hedrick's] native State. . . ." 50 Many in the North 
regarded the Committee's decision as a "just rebuke of 
[Foster's] taking advantage of the peculiar condition of 
public affairs, without having been chosen by any number 
of citizens anywhere to represent them." The North Carolina 

"North Carolina Whig (Charlotte), December 10, 1861. 
47 Fayetteville Observer, December 16, 1861. 

48 "Foster" was formerly a common family name at Trent (now Frisco) . 

49 House Documents Nos. 2 and 15. 

60 Benjamin Hedrick to the Senate Judiciary Committee, January 9, 1862, 
Hedrick Papers. 

360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

press was naturally pleased that Foster had been rejected by 
his "Yankee brethren." 51 

Foster had returned to Hatteras without waiting for Sen- 
ate confirmation, and a second election was ordered (by 
Taylor) for January 16, 1862. The turn-out that day was not 
impressive because of inclement weather and the presence of 
the Burnside Expedition. Many Island men were being 
drafted to pilot the Federal ships through Hatteras Inlet into 
Pamlico Sound. 52 Therefore a meeting was held and the elec- 
tion postponed until January 30. Foster attended the meeting, 
but claimed that it was "gotten up spontaneously by the peo- 
ple." 53 The election notice and proceedings of the meeting 
were sent to President Lincoln, thence to the Senate. 

The final election was held on January 30, with the same 
semblances of authority as before. The voting was once again 
conducted, as far as possible, in accordance with the law. 
According to Foster, the election inspectors were all bona fide 
magistrates. The certificates of election were given to Briga- 
dier General Thomas Williams, commanding the Hatteras 
forts. Foster gained thirty more votes from Chicamacomico 
precinct, thus bringing his total vote to 298. 54 

Within the next weeks, Federal forces obtained control of 
Roanoke Island and later of New Bern. Foster and others 
continued to encourage Union sentiment wherever it was 
safe to do so. As a result, small groups of citizens in Craven, 
Hyde, and Carteret counties favored Foster's admission to 
Congress. When New Bern came under Federal jurisdiction, 
Foster attempted to organize a demonstration there in his 
behalf. The Massachusetts Twenty-fifth Regiment agreed to 

61 Fayetteville Observer, December 30, 1861. 

62 On January 19, 1862, the expeditionary correspondent of the New York 
Herald reported difficulties in recruiting pilots. He described the Islanders 
as having an indescribable drawl and accent." The men were afraid to 
pilot Goldsborough's ships in spite of promised protection. One is quoted 
as saying: "Wall, now, you moughn't succeed in this business, and them 
'are s'eshioner *ed treat me bad." The correspondent hoped that "these are 
not a sample of the Unionists of North Carolina." New York Herald, Jan- 
uary 30, 1862. 

63 House Report No. 118. 

54 House Report No. 118. Foster claimed to have had an opponent in one 
contest, who received no votes despite his coastal birth and background. 
He also stated that the votes of January 30 were (except for those from 
Chicamacomico) either lost or mislaid by General Williams. 

Foster and the Unionists 361 

attend the meeting with their band, and carpenters were 
detailed to build a platform. General Burnside, however, pro- 
hibited the meeting on the ground that New Bern was under 
martial law and he could not allow officers or soldiers to 
organize political assemblages. 55 

Among Foster's supporters in the Twenty-fifth Regiment 
was Sgt. George M. Joy, who had been detailed to edit the 
Newbern Progress. On May 14 Joy received one of the Foster 
memorials, bearing the signatures of thirty citizens of Car- 
teret County. He gave the petition to Foster, who added it 
to his collection of documents. The body of this petition had 
been written by Foster himself, and many of the signatures 
written by the same hand (although not Foster's). 56 

Thus prepared, Foster appeared again before the Commit- 
tee of Elections on June 5, 1862. On May 19 Edward Stanley 
had been appointed military governor of North Carolina by 
President Lincoln, so Foster was unable to claim the exist- 
ence, de facto or de jure, of any Hatteras government. He 
rested his claim solely on the expressions of public opinion 
in his behalf, and upon no previous supposed or pretended 
elections: "All that is pretended here is that this action of 
the people is spontaneous .... I rest the case upon the prin- 
ciples of equity and common sense." Foster claimed that "the 
substance is in this thing; the bark, the husk may be absent, 
but the kernel and essence of an election is in the case." Fos- 
ter spoke of the need for someone to protect the interests of 
the inhabitants: "They wish some person who has lived 
among them to represent them, and they consider me the 
most suitable man they have. . . ." Foster remarked on the 
depredations committed by both Federal and Confederate 
troops and of his efforts to obtain compensation for such out- 
rages. "Being a mere civilian," he asserted, prevented him 
from having their claims righted. When asked whether Gov- 
ernor Stanley should not be the proper one to order an elec- 
tion, Foster said he believed it would be dangerous to hold 
further elections. Another objection was that a brother of 

House Report No. 118. 
House Report No. 118. 

362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Professor Benjamin Hedrick, Foster's enemy, had been ap- 
pointed as federal officer to Beaufort. "Other persons may be 
appointed to hold other offices in the district, and those per- 
sons, I presume, would work against me." 57 

The Elections Committee was again convinced that "the 
memorialists and Mr. Foster had failed to show the slightest 
foundation for [Foster's] claim," and summarized the case 
as being fraudulent and utterly without basis: "It is difficult 
to understand how anyone can, seriously and in good faith, 
claim this to be an election of a representative to the Thirty- 
seventh Congress." 58 

On Hatteras Island, with his government defunct and him- 
self discredited, Marble Taylor had abandoned his parishion- 
ers and was not heard from again. His secretary, Alonzo 
Stowe, had switched his allegiance and was running the 
Federal blockade until captured and imprisoned at New 
Bern. 59 Charles Henry Foster was called before a military 
commission, which decided that he should be barred from 
North Carolina for the duration of the war. The commission 
obtained Foster's solemn promise that he would not return 
there. 60 

Foster, however, still considered himself as the champion 
of the North Carolina Unionists. He again offered Lincoln 
the services of loyal North Carolinians, this time a regiment. 
The President submitted the offer to the War Department 
but remained skeptical: "If arms were in the hands of a 
Union Regiment in North Carolina they probably would not 
remain in their hands long." 61 Nevertheless, Foster received 
Lincoln's appointment as Recruiting Officer for North Caro- 
lina troops with the rank of captain. On August 5, 1862, 
Lincoln issued Foster a pass to New Bern. 62 With orders 

57 House Report No. 118. 
68 House Report No. 118. 

59 Alonzo Jenkins Stowe (1839-1918) used to relate his exciting Civil War 
exploits while a prominent merchant at Hatteras. It is significant, however, 
that he never spoke of his association with Taylor and his role in the 
Hatteras government. Interview with Mr. Adolph Burrus, Hatteras, August, 

60 Letter of General John G. Foster, Fort Monroe, Virginia, August 31, 
1863, Hedrick Papers. 

^Basler, Works of Lincoln, IV, 504. 
68 Basler, Works of Lincoln, V, 377. 

Foster and the Unionists 363 

from the Adjutant General's Office, General John G. Foster 
"could not refuse [Charles Foster] the duty to which he was 
appointed." 63 

For the next nineteen months Charles Foster remained a 
captain in the First North Carolina Regiment. As soon as his 
family in Murfreesboro was "liberated," he sent them to his 
parents' home in Orono, Maine. A second daughter was born 
there on August 3, 1864. It seems that Foster was quite popu- 
lar with his command, as it was reportedly their custom to 
greet him with cheers upon his first appearance each morn- 

ing- 64 

On January 1, 1863, a congressional election was held in 
the Second District of the State, as ordered by Governor 
Stanley. When Jennings Pigott emerged as winner, Foster 
and the Unionists indignantly protested that Pigott had been 
the Secessionist's candidate. Abraham Congleton, aged 64, 
a private in Company F, First North Carolina Regiment, 
openly challenged forty electors at Beaufort as enemies of the 
government. Thirty-six members of Company G, and forty- 
five of Company F, petitioned that they had voted for Charles 
H. Foster, "as testimony of our approval of his disinterested 
and patriotic devotion to the Union cause, but without there- 
by recognizing the validity of the election." 65 They expressed 
shock at the admission of "traitors and rebels to an equality 
at the ballot-box with loyal men." Governor Stanley was de- 
nounced for having actively interfered in behalf of Pigott, 
and for his having bestowed favors upon disloyal men. Foster 
collected these petitions and mailed them to the Committee 
of Elections. In doing so, he disclaimed any interest in the 

63 Letter of General John G. Foster, August 31, 1863, Hedrick Papers. 

"Foster obituary (newspaper title and date unknown), Bowdoin College 
Scrapbook, Class of 1855. The article gives this and other data on Foster's 
career which cannot be authenticated. Such as: "Colonel Foster was sur- 
prised at a cabin where he was resting for the night, and taken prisoner; 
but one of the guards, whose gratitude for favors done was stronger than 
his love for the Confederacy, contrived to let the captive get away. . . . 
Once when in Washington he recognized a disguised Confederate who had 
just reached the city from Virginia. The man was terror-stricken, for ex- 
posure would mean death. He was one of the men who had been foremost 
in persecuting Colonel Foster and his family. Colonel Foster simply told 
his enemy to leave the city at once — taking care that the spy really re- 
turned to the rebel lines." 

w House Miscellaneous Document No. l& y Thirty-seventh Congress, Third 
Session, hereinafter cited as House Document No. H. 

364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

election as "a matter of no particular concern to me," and 
assured the Committee that he himself was not claiming a 
seat. 66 As a result of the protests, Pigott was not granted a 
seat in Congress. 

The First and Second Union Regiments were kept from 
combat situations because of the danger of capture and Con- 
federate reprisals. They worked mostly on the building and 
strengthening of fortifications. The January, 1864, organiza- 
tion of General Butler's Department of Virginia and North 
Carolina listed a detachment of the Second at Beaufort under 
Captain C. H. Foster, attached to three companies of the 
One Hundred Fifty-eighth New York Regiment. Another 
detachment was with the One Hundred Thirty-Second New 
York Regiment at New 7 Bern. 67 Foster's services in completing 
the Morehead defenses earned him and his command a com- 
mendation from Colonel James Jourdan, One Hundred Fifty- 
eighth New York Regiment. Jourdan was impressed by the 
"cheerful execution of all duties assigned to them." 68 

In February, 1864, during a Confederate attack upon New 
Bern, about forty men of Company F, Second Regiment, were 
captured near Bachelor's Creek. Twenty-two of these Caro- 
linians were subsequently executed as Confederate desert- 
ers. 69 Foster promptly wrote to Fortress Monroe reporting 
a contemplated massacre of the prisoners. He contended that 
although some of the men had been pressed into Confederate 
service, none had been there voluntarily. Foster demanded 
prompt and forceful action by General Butler: "The protec- 
tion of the Government has been solemnly pledged to them. 
I did not move one step in recruiting until I had the recogni- 
tion and approval of Major General Peck, who explicitly 
permitted the enlistment by me and agents of conscript vol- 
unteers." 70 The result of the excutions which followed was 
utter demoralization in the ranks of the Carolinians. Colonel 

80 House Document No. 14. 

67 Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 482. 

68 Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 80. 

69 See Rush C. Hawkins, An Account of the Assassination of Loyal Citizens 
of North Carolina for Having Served in the Union Army (New York, 1897). 

70 Private and Official Correspondence of General Benjamin F. Butler 
During the Period of the Civil War (Norwood, Mass.: 5 volumes, 1917), 
III, 401, 402, hereinafter cited as Butler Correspondence. 

Foster and the Unionists 365 

Edward Ripley reported them "utterly demoralized" and un- 
willing to fight: "Indeed they are already looking to the 
swamps for the protection they have so far failed of getting 
from our Government. ... I believe they will inevitably, in 
case of a fight, become panic-stricken and have a bad effect 
on the rest of this slim command." 71 

With the ranks of the Carolinians thus reduced, Foster 
undertook to enlist additional forces. A few weeks later, 
General Butler found Foster at Fortress Monroe in the pro- 
cess of recruiting. Over 300 men had been enlisted, which 
entitled Foster to be commissioned a lieutenant colonel. He 
claimed to have the power of nominating his own officers. 
Butler gave Foster a provisional commission of lieutenant 
colonel, inasmuch as Foster had been recommended to him 
by his predecessor at Fortress Monroe. However, Butler 
began an investigation of Foster, the results of which prompt- 
ed him to suggest to Secretary of War Stanton that Foster be 
dropped from the army: "His movements in Sixty-one, the 
method which he took to get back into the service, his seem- 
ing want of efficiency, and his fickleness of purpose, render it 
not desirable that he should be retained in the service." Butler 
suggested that a "good and efficient man in whom the North 
Carolinians had confidence would have the Second North 
Carolina Volunteers filled up at once," and offered to find 
such a man to send in place of Foster. 72 Thus ended the mili- 
tary career of Charles Henry Foster, who was now as thor- 
oughly discredited as Marble Nash Taylor. In spite of his 
brief appointment as lieutenant colonel, Foster was referred 
to henceforth as "Colonel" Foster. 73 

At the cessation of hostilities Charles Foster returned to 
Murfreesboro with his wife and daughters. He engaged in 
cotton buying and a general mercantile business, which he 
later abandoned in favor of a law practice. Foster raised sub- 
scriptions for the families of his former soldiers, and freely 
gave them legal advice and assistance. He contributed regu- 

71 Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 948, 949. 

72 Butler Correspondence, III, 520. 

78 This is not surprising inasmuch as Foster's brother, Benjamin, emerged 
from the war as Brevet Colonel of the Eleventh Maine Volunteers. 

366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

larly to the Raleigh Observer, the Biblical Recorder, and 
Norfolk Virginian, and served as a correspondent of the New 
York Herald. When Foster submitted his Bowdoin question- 
naire in 1875, he mentioned his "comfortable residence" and 
the fact that two of his girls were attending Wesleyan Female 
College in Murfreesboro. 

In March, 1878, the Fosters (including three daughters and 
a son) moved to Philadelphia where Charles was soon ad- 
mitted to the bar. Instead of building up a practice, however, 
Foster became editorial writer of the Philadelphia Record, 
in November, 1879. 74 

According to Sue Foster, her husband had been infected 
with malaria during the war, and had suffered constantly 
from camp diarrhea. 75 Foster developed acute pneumonia and 
died on March 14, 1882, at the age of 52. 76 After Episcopal 
services, the body was laid to rest in Odd Fellows Cemetery, 
Philadelphia, bringing to an end the controversial career of 
Charles Henry Foster. 

74 Foster Sketch, 1881. 

75 "Declaration of a Widow for Pension," submitted by Sue Agnes Foster, 
May 23, 1882. National Archives, Washington, D. C. 

76 Philadelphia Press, March 15, 1882. 

By John G. Barrett* 

Although William Tecumseh Sherman could not recall say- 
ing "War is hell," he did state: "You cannot qualify war in 
harsher terms than I will. War is cruelty and you cannot 
refine it." * It was in the fall of 1862 that he developed his 
philosophy of total war which he thought would make con- 
flict "so terrible" that the South would exhaust all peaceful 
remedies before commencing another struggle. 2 Considering 
all the people of the South as enemies of the Union, 3 Sherman 
planned to use his military forces against the civilian popula- 
tion as well as the armies of the enemy. He believed this plan 
of action would not only demoralize the non-combatants but 
also the men under arms. The Southern armies in the field, 
he felt certain, could be disheartened by attacks on the civilian 
population, as easily as by defeats on the battlefield. Sher- 
man's program of total war also called for the destruction of 
the enemy's economic resources. By paralyzing the Confed- 
erate economy he hoped to destroy the South's ability to 
supply its fighting forces with war materials. Thus in bring- 
ing war to the home front he hoped to destroy both the 
South's capacity to wage war and its will to fight. 4 

"Collective responsibility," the theory upon which total war 
rests, made possible a new mode of warfare in which the 

* Dr. John G. Barrett is an Assistant Professor of History at Virginia 
Military Institute, Lexington, Virginia. 

*Mark Antony DeWolfe Howe (ed.), Home Letters of General Sherman 
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), 309, hereinafter cited as 
Howe, Home Letters of Sherman; William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of 
General W. T. Sherman (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 2 volumes, 
1875), II, 126, hereinafter cited as Sherman, Memoirs. 

2 The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the 
Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C: Government Printing 
Office, 70 volumes [127 books and index], 1880-1901), Series I, XVII, Part 
II, 260, hereinafter cited as Official Records. 

3 Sherman, Memoirs, I, 267. Guerrilla activity and unorganized civilian 
resistance in the region around Memphis helped to bring Sherman to this 

4 An excellent study of Sherman's philosophy of total war is John Bennett 
Walters, "General William T. Sherman and Total War" (unpublished 
doctoral dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1947), hereinafter cited as 
Walters, "Sherman and Total War." 


368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

accepted rules of the time were transgressed. The effect was 
a certain disregard for human rights and dignity. But with 
Sherman "war . . . [was! war and not popularity seeking." 5 
He thought the South, for its part in bringing on the conflict, 
deserved "All the curses and maledictions a people can pour 
out." 6 Nevertheless, he held out to his enemies the sincere 
promise of a helping hand if they would lay down their arms 
and rejoin the Union. It was not a sense of cruelty and barbar- 
ism that prompted Sherman to formulate his theory of total 
war. This conception was the outgrowth of a search for the 
quickest, surest, and most efficient means to win a war. Vic- 
tory, he determined, could be won more easily by moving 
troops than by fighting. Strategy had become to him the mas- 
ter of tactics. The purpose of his strategy was to minimize 
fighting by striking at the supply lines and morale of the 
enemy. 7 

The full application of this new philosophy of war was to 
be applied by Sherman in campaigns through Mississippi, 
Georgia, and the Carolinas. In Mississippi the Federal army 
destroyed the State's resources and lines of communication 
and demonstrated to the inhabitants how cruel a matter war 
could be. In Georgia Sherman was to repeat the Mississippi 
performance but on a much larger scale. 

When the Georgia operations ended at Savannah on De- 
cember 21, 1864, all the accepted rules of strategy called for 
the immediate transfer of Sherman's sixty thousand veterans 
from the Georgia coast to Richmond where Grant had Lee 
bottled up behind fortifications. 8 General Grant was desirious 
of this move, 9 but much to his dismay Sherman voiced strong 
objections to such a plan. He hoped to march on to Richmond 
by way of Columbia and Raleigh in the Carolinas. 10 Every 

5 Walters, "Sherman and Total War," 133; Official Records, Series I, 
XXXVIII, Part V, 794. 

6 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 126. 

7 Basil Henry Liddell Hart, Sherman: Soldier, Realist, American (New 
York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1929), 426. 

8 Colin R. Ballard, The Military Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: 
The World Publishing Company, 1952), 223. Because of the heavy demands 
on ocean transportation it probably would have taken two months to have 
moved Sherman's entire army to Richmond. Sherman, Memoirs, II, 224. 

9 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 206. 

10 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 209. 

Sherman and Total War 369 

step northward from Savannah, Sherman felt, was as much 
a direct attack on Lee as though he were operating within 
sound of the artillery of the Army of Northern Virginia. He 
was firmly convinced that an application of total war in the 
Carolinas would have a direct bearing on the outcome of 
Grant's struggle around Richmond. 11 

The combination of Sherman's persistence and the news 
of Thomas' devastating victory over Hood at Nashville 12 
persuaded the reluctant Commanding General to grant per- 
mission for the move through the Carolinas. 13 

Sherman's plan of campaign called for feints on both 
Augusta and Charleston and a march directly on Columbia 
and thence to Goldsboro, North Carolina, by way of Fayette- 
ville on the Cape Fear. Goldsboro was chosen as the destina- 
tion because that city was connected to the North Carolina 
coast by two rail lines running respectively from Morehead 
City (via New Bern) and Wilmington. By this circuit the 
Federal force could destroy the chief railroads of the Caro- 
linas and devastate the heart of the two States. 14 

Sherman planned to cut himself off completely from his 
base in Savannah; hence he could expect no government sup- 
plies until he reached the Cape Fear River in North Carolina. 
His wagons could carry only limited provisions; thus the 
army of sixty thousand would have to "forage liberally on the 
country during the march." To regulate the foraging parties, 
very strict orders were issued. 15 

These instructions were in complete compliance with the 
accepted rules of warfare. Yet there was wide discrepancy be- 

u Sherman, Memoirs, II, 213, 227. 

"Before departing for his "March to the Sea" Sherman dispatched 
Thomas to Tennessee to deal with Hood. 

18 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 223-224. 

u Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part II, 154. "The subsidiary opera- 
tions which were intended to co-operate with Sherman's March northward 
from Savannah were two. First, the capture of Fort Fisher at the mouth 
of the Cape Fear River in North Carolina, and second, the transfer of 
Schofield from Middle Tennessee to the Carolina coast, where, with the 
Tenth Corps under Major General A. H. Terry and the Twenty-third under 
Major General [Jacob] Cox, he was to reduce Wilmington and advance upon 
two lines from that city and from Newbern to Goldsboro, at which place it 
was expected a junction with Sherman would be made." Jacob D. Cox, The 
March to the Sea. Franklin and Nashville (New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, 1886), 137, hereinafter cited as Cox, March to the Sea. 

"Sherman, Memoirs, II, 175-176. 

370 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tween the orders and the actions of some of the men. In Geor- 
gia many of the foraging parties had degenerated into 
marauding bands of mounted robbers which operated not un- 
der the supervision of an officer but on their own. These 
groups committed every sort of outrage. Most of the pillage 
and wanton destruction of private property in the two Caro- 
linas was the work of the "bummers," "smoke house rangers," 
or "doboys," as this peripheral minority of self-constituted 
foragers was called. 16 

The majority of officers and men in Sherman s army neither 
engaged in indiscriminate looting nor condoned the actions 
of those who did. 17 

South Carolina awaited with despair and trepidation the 
appearance of Federal soldiers on her soil. Sherman's intem- 
perate language in Savannah and the conduct of his troops 
in Georgia certainly warranted this apprehension. The Con- 
federate general, Lafayette McLaws, wrote his wife from 
Pocotaligo: "There is a great alarm all through the country 
and a strong disposition to give up, among the old residents 
even, and with the females especially. . . ." 18 Time and time 
again Governor A. B. Magrath called with little avail on the 
people of South Carolina to rally to the colors. 19 Magrath's 
continuous appeals led one Confederate officer to remark 
that he had two brigades and five proclamations with which 
to oppose the Federals. 20 

16 Manning Ferguson Force, "Marching Across Carolina," Sketches of 
War History, 1861-1865. Papers Read before the Ohio Commandery of the 
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States (Cincinnati, Ohio: 
R. Clarke and Company, 6 volumes, 1888-1908), I, 15. On most occasions 
these self-constituted foragers were referred to as "bummers." The origin 
of the term is obscure but it was in use at the time of the "March to the 
Sea." A member of Sherman's staff termed the bummer as "a raider on his 
own account, a man who temporarily deserts his place in the ranks and 
starts upon an independent foraging Mission." Henry Steele Commanger 
(ed.), The Blue and the Gray: The Story of the Civil War as Told by 
Participants (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrili Company, Inc., 2 volumes, 
1950), II, 952. 

"John Gilchrist Barrett, Sherman's March Through the Carolinas 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1956), 37. 

18 Lafayette McLaws to Mrs. McLaws, January 12, 1865, Lafayette Mc- 
Laws Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, hereinafter referred to as Southern Historical Collection. 

19 William Franklin Gore Shanks, "Recollections of General Sherman," 
Harper's New Monthly Magazine, XXX (April, 1865), 669-670. 

20 Frank H. Putney, "Incidents of Sherman's March Through the Caro- 
linas," War Papers Read before the Commandery of the State of Wisconsin, 
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States (Milwaukee, Wis.: 
Burdeck and Allen, 3 volumes, 1903), III, 383. 

Sherman and Total War 371 

When Sherman commenced his march through the Caro- 
linas the latter part of January, 1865, the meager Confederate 
forces that could possibly be brought to oppose him were 
scattered from Virginia to Mississippi. 21 By February 7 the 
major part of the Federal army had penetrated, without diffi- 
culty, well into South Carolina and was encamped along the 
Charleston-Augusta railroad. 22 Five days later Orangeburg, 
to the north, was in Sherman's hands. 23 

As the army had pushed deeper into South Carolina, for- 
aging had become more of a vital necessity to the success of 
the campaign. Although Sherman had ordered that officers 
command all foraging parties, 24 scores of foragers roamed 
about under no supervision, intent only on plunder. Due 
largely to the activities of this group much of the lower part 
of the State lay in smouldering ruins by the second week in 
February. 25 

From Orangeburg the army moved out in the direction of 
Columbia, destroying the railroad as it went. This capital 
city, crowded almost to suffocation with refugees, was the 
scene of confusion and turmoil when the booming of cannon 
gave strength to the rumors of Sherman's proximity. 26 Early 
in the morning of the 17th Columbia fell to the Federal 

21 Gustave Joseph Fieberger, Campaigns of the American Civil War 
(West Point, New York: United States Military Academy Printing Office, 
1914), 401-414; Alfred Roman, The Military Operations of General Beaure- 
gard in the War between the States, 1861-1865, Including a brief Sketch and 
Narrative of his Services in the War with Mexico (New York: Harper and 
Brothers, 2 volumes, 1884), II, 337-341. 

22 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 683. On February 6, 1865, 
Grant had directed Thomas to send General George Stoneman "with his 
cavalry through the Great Smoky Mountains into South Carolina, to in- 
terrupt railway communications between Columbia and Charlotte, N. C., 
and by occupying the attention of part of the confederate forces in that 
region, assist the movement of Sherman." Delays occurred and it was 
not until March 26, when Sherman had already reached Goldsboro, that 
this column was ready to move. Stoneman's orders were now to destroy rail- 
road communications in southwestern Virginia and western North Carolina, 
Cox, March to the Sea, 200-201. 

28 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 20. 
"Sherman, Memoirs, II, 175-176. 

85 Incessant rains were to plague Sherman as he marched through the 
Carolinas. Existing roads became almost impassable. Thus the success of 
the campaign depended, to a large extent, upon the efficiency of the pioneer 
corps whose duty it was to build and repair roads and bridges. Nowhere 
did this corps perform better than in the swamps of lower South Carolina. 

86 Mary E. Massey, "Southern Refugee Life during the Civil War," The 
North Carolina Historical Review, XX (January, 1943), 15-16; Emma 
LeConte Diary, Southern Historical Collection. 

372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

forces, and sometime before noon Sherman, with a few mem- 
bers of his staff, rode into the city. His reception by the 
crowds in the streets was tumultuous, but the temperate 
O. O. Howard, riding with the General at the time, correctly 
observed that the enthusiasm for the conquering hero was 
largely due to the inebriated condition of those present. 27 

Columbia at this time was virtually one vast warehouse 
filled with spirituous liquors. In the confusion of the days 
preceding the city's fall the Negroes had gotton their hands 
on large quantities of these various beverages. They in turn 
passed out much of this alcohol to the men in blue as they 
approached the capital from the north and the west. 28 

On a ride about the city Sherman had the unusual experi- 
ence of observing large quantities of loose cotton, from bales 
lining the streets, being scattered about by a high prevailing 
wind. At the market square he had to ride his horse on the 
sidewalk to avoid "a long pile of burning cotton bales/' 29 
There is conclusive evidence that at least some cotton was 
fired before Sherman entered the city. 30 The origin of these 
early fires is still a matter of dispute. However, in the final 
analysis the source of these blazes is of little significance 

27 Who Burnt Columbia? — Part 1st — Official Depositions of William 
Tecumseh Sherman, General of the Army of the United States, and General 
O. O. Howard, U. S. A., For the Defense; and Extracts from Some of the 
Depositions for the Claimants. Filed in Certain Claims V the United States, 
Pending before the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims in 
Washington, D. C. (Charleston: Walker, Evans and Cogswell Company, 
1873), 26-27, hereinafter cited as Mixed Commission on Claims. 

28 Mixed Commission on Claims, 106; The Burning of Columbia — I. Letter 
of General Wade Hampton, June 2U, 1873, with Appendix — //. Report of 
Committee of Citizens, Ex-Chancellor J. P. Carroll, Chairman, May, 
1866 (Charleston, S. C: Walker, Evans and Cogswell Company, 1888), 16, 
hereinafter cited as The Burning of Columbia; John C. Arbuckle, Civil War 
Experiences of a Foot-Soldier Who Marched with Sherman (Columbus, 
Ohio: Privately published, 1930), 131, hereinafter cited as Arbuckle, Civil 
War Experiences; Fen wick Y. Hedley, Marching Through Georgia. Pen 
Pictures of Everyday Life in General Sherman's Army from the Beginning 
of the Atlanta Campaign Until the Close of the War (Chicago, 111: M.A. 
Donahue and Company, 1884), 376; Official Records, Series I, XLVII, 
Part I, 243. 

29 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 280. 

30 Henry C McArthur, Capture and Destruction of Columbia, South 
Carolina, February 17, 1865 (Washington, D. C: n. p., 1911), 9; Samuel 
H. M. Byers, With Fire and Sword (New York: Neale Publishing Company, 
1911), 166; Alexander S. Salley (ed.), Sack and Destruction of the City of 
Columbia, South Carolina. By William Gilmore Simms (Atlanta, Ga.: Ogle- 
thorpe University Press, 1937), 37; Official Records, Series I, LIII, 1,050. 

Sherman and Total War 373 

because they had all been completely extinguished by mid- 
afternoon. 31 

Consequently it cannot be said that burning cotton was 
the cause of the terrible conflagration of February 17 that 
practically leveled the capital city of South Carolina. It was 
the drunken soldier who was primarily responsible for this 
holocaust, but he was not acting under orders from his com- 
manding general. Sherman's orders for the campaign of the 
Carolinas contain no instructions for the molestation of pri- 
vate property in Columbia. 32 

In the long run the General felt that the burning of private 
homes, though not designed by him, was a trifling matter 
when compared with the manifold results which soon fol- 
lowed. "Though I never ordered it and never wished it, I 
have never shed any tears over the event, because I believe 
that it hastened what we all fought for, the end of the war." 33 
This laconic statement pretty well sums up Sherman's senti- 
ments on the burning of Columbia. 

The army remained in the city for two days, destroying, 
under orders, public and railroad property. 34 On February 20, 
to the accompaniment of hisses and boos from the people 
along the streets, the troops resumed their march north toward 
Winnsboro. 35 

This historic old town, as well as Camden to the south and 
Cheraw to the east, suffered much at the hands of the Fed- 
eral troops. At Cheraw, the army's last stop in South Carolina, 
Sherman learned that his former opponent, Joseph E. John- 
ston, had replaced Beauregard as commander of the Confed- 
erate forces in North and South Carolina. He now concluded 
that Johnston would unite his widely scattered forces and 

31 Who Burned Columbia? — General Sherman's Latest Story Examined," 
Southern Historical Society Papers, XIII (January — December, 1885), 450; 
Oscar 0. Winther (ed.) With Sherman to the Sea. The Civil War Letters, 
Diaries, and Reminiscences of Theodore F. Upson (Baton Rouge: Louisiana 
State University Press, 1934), 152; The Burning of Columbia, 16. 

32 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, Iff. 

33 Testimony of General William Tecumseh Sherman, March 26, 1872, in 
a lawsuit regarding the fire. Penciled copy of this testimony in William 
Tecumseh Sherman Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, 
Washington, D. C. 

M Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 22. 
* Arbuckle, Civil War Experiences, 135. 

374 The North Carolina Historical Review 

at a place of his own choosing strike one of the Federal 
columns on the move. Fully aware that the battle he wished 
to avoid now seemed unavoidable, Sherman put his army in 
motion for Fayetteville, North Carolina, some 70 miles north- 
east. 36 

As early as January, 1865, the North Carolina newspapers 
had begun to prepare the people of the State for invasion. 37 
But with the fall of Fort Fisher and occupation of Wilmington 
on January 15 and 22 respectively, the people of North 
Carolina had almost surrendered themselves to a wave of 
despondency. Late in February General Lee declared that the 
despair of the North Carolinians was destroying his army. He 
wrote to Governor Vance: "Desertings are becoming very 
frequent and there is reason to believe that they are occasion- 
ed to considerable extent by letters written to the soldiers by 
their friends at home." 38 The diaries and letters of the men 
in the line around Richmond show that Lee had reason to be 
concerned. "Deserters increase ... we had three more last 
night" is a February entry in the diary of Samuel Hoey Wal- 
kup of the Forty-eighth North Carolina regiment. 39 On 
March 6 Walkup expressed the sentiments of those soldiers 
whose homes were in Sherman's path: "I am in agony of 
suspense to hear from home. It has been nearly a month since 
I left them and have received no letter since. The Yankees 
were there. Between them and our forces I can only look 
Heavenward for comfort." 40 

It was not those soldiers who looked to heaven for comfort 
but those who took off for home themselves that occasioned 
six North Carolina regimental commanders to write W. A. 
Graham appealing to the Senator and other members of the 
Confederate Congress to go immediately among the people 

88 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part II, 1,247. 

37 Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: Fighting Prophet (New York: Hareourt, Brace 
and Company, 1932), 499, quoting Daily Progress (Raleigh), January 21, 

38 Robert E. Lee to Zebulon B. Vance, February 24, 1865, Zebulon B. Vance 
Letter Book, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. 

89 Samuel H. Walkup Diary, February 21, 1865, Southern Historical Collec- 
tion, hereinafter cited as Walkup Diary. 

40 Walkup Diary, March 6, 1865. 

Sherman and Total War 375 

"with words of cheer, encouraging the timid, satisfying the 
discontented, and suppressing party discord." 41 

General Sherman entered North Carolina with the confi- 
dent expectation of receiving a welcome from its supposedly 
large number of pro-Union citizens. 42 Thus he had his officers 
issue orders for the gentler treatment of the inhabitants and, 
when the State line was crossed, circulate new instructions 
regulating foraging activities. 43 But no orders were drafted 
prohibiting the burning of the great pine forests within the 
State. North Carolina's turpentine woods blazed in fantastic 
"splendor" as "bummers" touched matches to congealed sap 
in notches on tree trunks. 44 

On March 8 North Carolina for the first time felt the full 
weight of the Federal army. Three days later Mayor McLean 
surrendered Fayetteville to the invading forces. 45 Sherman 
especially wanted to reach this river port so that he could 
retake the arsenal located there. At the outbreak of war the 
Confederates had taken over the United States Arsenal in 
the city and for four years this valuable government property 
had served the South. 

Fayetteville suffered a great deal as result of the Federal 
occupancy. Besides the destruction of numerous public build- 
ings, including the Arsenal, 46 there was considerable pillaging 

a Officers of North Carolina troops then present in the Army of Northern 
Virginia to William A. Graham, February 27, 1865, William A. Graham 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

^George W. Nichols, The Story of the Great March (New York: Harper 
and Brothers, 1865), 222. 

43 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part II, 719. 

** John R. Kinnear, History of the Eighty-Sixth Regiment Illinois Volun- 
teer Infantry. During Its Term of Service (Chicago: Tribune Company's 
Book and Job-Printing Office, 1866), 101. The Confederate soldiers also 
fired these great pine forests. Bell Irvin Wiley (ed.), Rebel Private Front 
and Rear. By William A. Fletcher. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 
1954), 140. 

"David P. Conynghan, Sherman*s March Through the South, With 
Sketches and Incidents of the Campaign (New York: Sheldon and Com- 
pany, 1865), 357. On the morning of March 10 at Monroe's Cross-roads, 
close to Fayetteville, General Wade Hampton raided the cavalry encamp- 
ment of General Judson Kilpatrick. This lively engagement and the skir- 
mish at Aiken, S. C., a month earlier, were the chief cavalry encounters 
of Sherman's Carolinas Campaign. 

* 6 Official Records, Series I, XVII, Part II, 763. At Fayetteville Sherman 
took the opportunity to clear his columns of the vast number of white 
and black refugees that had followed his army northward. These "twenty 
to thirty thousand useless mouths" were sent to Wilmington, Official Rec- 
ords, Series I, XVII, Part II, 803, 807. 

376 The North Carolina Historical Review 

by the "bummers," but this plundering of private property 
was done, for the most part, before General Absalum Baird 
took command of the city and garrisoned it with his three 
brigades. 47 

By the middle of March Sherman had his entire army across 
the Cape Fear, and the move on Goldsboro had begun. The 
General was in a happy frame of mind as he watched his 
troops march by. The campaign was running like clockwork. 
Goldsboro, he felt sure, would be his in a few days. 

From Savannah to Fayetteville Sherman had moved his 
army in flawless fashion, but from this latter place to Golds- 
boro his operations were definitely characterized by care- 
lessness in the management of a large army. He allowed his 
columns to become strung out and at Bentonville, a small 
town west of Goldsboro, Johnston came close to crushing 
the Federal Fourteenth Corps. 48 Sherman was victorious in 
the battle of Bentonville, March 19-21, but he didn't follow 
up his victory by pursuing the enemy. Instead he marched 
his army into Goldsboro. There he was joined by the forces 
of Generals Schofield and Terry which had marched up from 
New Bern and Wilmington respectively. 

At Goldsboro Sherman was disturbed to find neither of the 
two railroads from the coast fully repaired and no supplies 
awaiting him. Nevertheless, he decided to change the for- 
aging system. All foragers were ordered dismounted and 
placed in the ranks. Their horses and mules were turned over 
to the quartermaster corps, which meant quite a few ani- 
mals. 49 

47 Charles W. Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier. Letters and Dairy 
of the Late Charles W. Wills (Washington, D. C: Globe Printing Company, 
1906), 360; Charles S. Brown to Ella (Brown), April 26, 1865, Charles S. 
Brown Papers, Manuscripts Division, Duke University Library, Durham. 

48 At Averasboro, north of Fayetteville, on March 16, General W. J. 
Hardee engaged Sherman's Twentieth Corps, giving Johnston more time 
to concentrate his forces at Bentonville. Sherman failed to grasp the 
significance of Hardee's actions and ignored all other indications that 
Johnston might be preparing for battle. For an excellent account of the 
Battle of Bentonville, largest encounter ever fought on North Carolina 
soil, see Jay Luvaas, "Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville," The North 
Carolina Historical Review, XXXIII (July, 1956) , 332-358. 

49 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 424, 972; Edmund N. Hatcher, 
The Last Four Weeks of the War (Columbus, Ohio: Edmund N. Hatcher, 
1891), 67-68. 

Sherman and Total War 377 

As vital as the forager had been to the success of the 
campaign, General James D. Morgan regretted that he had 
to exclude him from praise and credit. He wrote: "I have 
some men in my command . . . who have mistaken the name 
and meaning of the term foragers, and have become under 
that name highwaymen, with all of their cruelty and ferocity 
and none of their courage. . . ." 50 

Sherman's arrival in Goldsboro had been announced by the 
columns of smoke which rose from burning farmhouses on 
the south side of the Neuse, 51 but within the town itself the 
"bummers" had little chance to pillage and destroy because 
Schofield had occupied the place two days before they ar- 
rived and had stationed guards to prevent outrages. 52 

By March 25 repairs on the railroad from New Bern were 
finished, and the first train from the coast arrived in Golds- 
boro. 53 This completed the task Sherman had set out to do 
upon leaving Savannah. His army was now united with those 
of Schofield and Terry. Large supply bases on the North 
Carolina coast were available by rail, and the countryside 
from Savannah to Goldsboro, for an average breadth of forty 
miles, had been laid waste. 

The General now decided it was time to discuss with 
Grant the plans for a junction of their armies around Rich- 
mond. He hoped to share with the Army of the Potomac the 
glory of capturing the Confederate capital. Late in the after- 
noon of the 25th, Sherman boarded a train for City Point, 
Virginia, Grant's headquarters. The visit proved futile as 
the Commander-in-chief was not disposed to delay his own 
push against Lee until the troops at Goldsboro could join 
him. 54 So in five days Sherman was back in eastern North 
Carolina, busily addressing himself to the task of the re- 
organization of his army and the replenishment of stores. 

60 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 487. 

51 Cornelia P. Spencer, The Last Ninety Days of the War in North Caro- 
lina (New York: Watchman Publishing Company, 1866), 94; Elizabeth 
Collier Diary, April 20, 1865, Southern Historical Collection. 

53 Daily Conservative (Raleigh), March 27, 1865. 

53 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part I, 28. 

54 Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of V. S. Grant (New York: Charles 
L. Webster and Company, 2 volumes, 1886), II, 460. 

378 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On April 10 he broke camp and started his march on 
Raleigh. It was thought that Johnston was somewhere be- 
tween that place and Goldsboro. Since the Battle of Benton- 
ville, the Confederate General had been at Smithfield, a small 
town about halfway between Goldsboro and Raleigh. When 
Sherman's move was reported to him, he also put his small 
Confederate force in motion for the North Carolina capital. 

During the night of the 11th Sherman learned of Lee's 
surrender at Appomattox. The announcement of this mo- 
mentous news the next day put the Federal soldiers in a 
hilarious mood, even as the march went forward. 55 Toward 
this capering army was coming a Confederate locomotive. 
Inside the car were peace commissioners out of Raleigh. 
That night at Sherman's headquarters these emissaries un- 
successfully conferred with the General about a "suspension 
of hostilities." They did get from him, however, a promise of 
protection for both the State and municipal officials in the 
capital. 56 

In the meantime the Confederate forces had evacuated 
Raleigh and Johnston had reported to President Davis at 
Greensboro. While there Johnston learned of Lee's capitu- 
lation. The news of this disaster fully convinced the General 
that the Confederacy was doomed. He realized that his small 
army, its ranks growing thinner by the day, was no match 
for Sherman. 

In Johnston's opinion President Davis now had only one 
governmental power left, that of terminating the war, and 
he thought this power should be exercised immediately. In 
a conference with the President, he was able to get the chief 
executive, after much discussion, to authorize him to send 
Sherman a communication asking for a suspension of hos- 
tilities. 57 

65 Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part III, 177, 180; Henry J. Aten, 
History of the Eighty-fifth Regiment, Illinois Volunteer Infantry (Hia- 
watha, Kansas: Regimental Association, 1901), 303. 

56 For an interesting account of the surrender of Raleigh to the Federal 
forces see Richard E. Yates, "Governor Vance and the End of the War 
in North Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, XVIII (October, 
1941), 315-338. 

57 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 346-347; Joseph E. Johnston, Narrative of 
Military Operations, Directed, During the Late War Between the States, 
by Joseph E. Johnston, General, C. S. A. (New York: D. Appleton and Com- 
pany, 1874), 397-398, hereinafter cited as Johnston, Narrative, 

Sherman and Total War 379 

This led to a meeting between Generals Sherman and John- 
ston at Bennett's farm house a few miles west of Durham's 
Station. There on April 17 and 18 Sherman granted terms to 
his adversary that restored to the South a large measure of 
its "status quo" ante-bellum. 58 This generous agreement clear- 
ly shows that with Sherman total war was a strategic not a 
vindictive matter. 

The General assumed that his peace terms would be ac- 
ceptable to the administration, but he was soon to learn 
otherwise. So once again he met with Johnston. This time 
he offered, and the Confederate General accepted per force, 
the terms Lee had received at Appomattox. 59 Nevertheless, 
when Sherman departed by rail for Wilmington the latter 
part of April, he could leave Raleigh knowing he had honestly 
endeavored to shorten the road to reunion. If the terms first 
offered Johnston had been accepted, the Southern people 
would have resumed the place they held in the Union in 1860, 
and the evils of congressional reconstruction might have been 

In retrospect, Sherman considered the march north from 
Savannah "by far the most important in conception and execu- 
tion of any act of . . . [his] life." 60 He placed particular im- 
portance on his operations in the Carolinas because, as he 
states it: "I honestly believe that the grand march of the 
western army . . . from Savannah to Raleigh was an important 
factor in the final result, the overwhelming victory at Appo- 
mattox, and the glorious triumph of the Union cause." 61 

58 At Bennett's farm house Sherman was not acting under specific instruc- 
tions from President Lincoln but in accordance with the dictates of his own 
conscience. Raoul S. Naroll, "Lincoln and the Sherman Peace Fiasco- 
Another Fable?" The Journal of Southern History, XX (November, 1954), 

59 General John M. Schofield actually wrote up the Military Convention 
of April 26. John M. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army (New York: 
The Century Company, 1897), 351-352. 

60 Howe, Home Letters of Sherman, 340. 

61 William T. Sherman, "The Grand Strategy of the Last Year of the 
War," Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. Buel, Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War (New York: The Century Company, 4 volumes, 1888), IV, 257. 
In this article Sherman refers to the "March to the Sea" along with the 
Carolinas Campaign as having a direct bearing on Lee's defeat. Various 
studies by authorities on the Georgia campaign, however, fully support the 
present author's conclusion concerning the effect of Sherman's Carolinas 
operations on the final defeat of the Army of Northern Virginia. 

380 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This statement by Sherman raises the question as to whether 
the devastation wrought in the Carolinas by his army had 
a direct and immediate bearing on the end of the war. 

Sherman's movements through South and North Carolina 
were bold, imaginative strokes, masterfully executed. One 
historian has rightly characterized the Carolinas campaign 
as "a triumph of physical endurance and mechanical skill 
on the part of the army and of inflexible resolution in the 
general. . . . " 62 Sherman was absolutely sincere in his con- 
viction that total war was the most effective means at hand to 
shorten the conflict; yet, this method of warfare as applied 
in the Carolinas had little direct bearing on Lee's decision 
to surrender when and where he did. It was the practical 
annihilation of Hood's Army in Tennessee that paved the way 
for Appomattox. 

Sherman disrupted much of the rail communications in 
the two Carolinas, as well as destroying large quantities of 
the South's dwindling supplies, but Lee's army was not short 
of rations because of Sherman's march. The Confederate 
plight at Richmond was due largely to a breakdown in the 
transportation system in Virginia. Cavalry raids to Lee's rear 
in late 1864 and early 1865 had destroyed much in the way 
of railroad installations. Up to the day of Lee's capitulation 
special depots, in Virginia and North Carolina, were filled 
with ample provisions earmarked for the Army of Northern 
Virginia. Had transportation been available during the latter 
months of the war, Lee's men would not have had to subsist 
on meager provisions. The chief of the Confederate com- 
missary reported in February, 1865, that it was even possible 
to draw a surplus for the Richmond and Petersburg depots 
"whenever transportation could be procured." 63 

r,a Eric W. Sheppard, The American Civil War, 1864-65 (Aldershot: Gale 
and Polden, 1938), 133, hereinafter cited as Sheppard, Civil War. 

63 Isaac M. St. John, "Resources of the Confederacy in 1865 — Letter of 
I. M. St. John, Commissary General," Southern Historical Society Papers, 
III (March, 1877), 97-103; Charles W. Turner, "The Virginia Central 
Railroad at War, 1861-1865," The Journal of Southern History, XII 
(November, 1946), 532; Johnston, Narrative, 410; Alfred H. Burne, Lee, 
Grant and Sherman. A Study in Leadership in the 1864-65 Campaign (New 
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1939), 200. 

Sherman and Total War 381 

The Federal march north from Savannah, nevertheless, 
brought home to the people of the Carolinas the stern reali- 
ties of war. The use of a military force against the civilian 
population and economic resources unquestionably helped 
to undermine the morale of the South, producing a "defeatist 
psychology" both on the home front and on the battlefield. 64 
As noted earlier, Lee's ranks were thinned daily by the de- 
sertions of soldiers going home to protect their families in 
the line of Sherman's march. In this respect the Carolinas 
campaign had an indirect effect on Grant's operations in 

General Sherman's military stature rests not upon the effect 
his campaign in the Carolinas had upon Lee's defeat but 
upon his refusal to be bound by orthodox strategy and stub- 
born military tradition which called for him to defeat or 
destroy the enemy's main army before striking at the "state 
sheltered behind it." 6) To have seen and grasped the impor- 
tance of such a move has given Sherman a ranking position 
among the country's great military leaders. As a strategist 
he was far ahead of his time. Some present day writers see 
in the flexibility of Sherman's operations a similarity to mod- 
ern Panzer tactics 00 and in his destruction of the South's 
economic resources a picture of strategic bombings. 07 

Though pitiless in campaign and intemperate in language, 
Sherman was not a cruel individual with the instincts of a 
barbarian. 68 He conceived of total war as a strategic necessity 
demanded by the very nature of war itself. To him war was 
cruelty and you could not refine it. 

w Frank L. Owsley, "Defeatism in the Confederacy," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, III (July, 1926) , 446-448. 

66 Sheppard, Civil War, 136. 

69 Basil H. Liddell Hart, Strategy, the Indirect Approach (New York: 
Praeger, 1954), 152. 

67 Bonner Fellers, Wings for Peace. A Primer for a New Defense (Chicago, 
111.: Henry Reyney Company, 1953), 139-141. 

68 Ellis M. Coulter, "Sherman and the South," The North Carolina His- 
torical Review, VII (January, 1931), 54. 


By Daniel J. Whitener* 

In presenting a short historical essay on the Republican 
party in relation to public education in North Carolina during 
the years 1867 to 1900, the writer disclaims the doubtful 
honor of being a Revisionist. 1 Most of the facts as they are 
related to the subject of this discussion have been adequately 
collected, organized, and interpreted by the historians of the 
period. The limits of the subject of this paper preclude a dis- 
cussion of the history of the Republican party as well as the 
history of public education, but include a discussion of their 
relationships. Moreover I should say that I have voted the 
Democratic party ticket regularly beginning in 1920 and 
that my forebearers voted for every candidate of that party 
for President of the United States beginning in 1796. Thus 
endeth the introduction. 

The history of the Republican party as it relates to public 
education in this State falls logically into three chronological 
periods, namely, Reconstruction, Bourbon Rule, and Fusion 
Politics. Of these the Reconstruction period, 1865-1876, is 
by far the most significant. 

The Republican party was introduced into North Carolina 
in 1867 after the end of the Civil War, but it had little to 
do officially with public education until 1868. 2 In the mean- 
while the State Convention of October, 1865, in which there 
were no Republicans, ratified the Thirteenth Amendment 
and repudiated the Confederate debts. 3 Repudiation largely 
destroyed the old prewar Literary Fund which had furnished 

* Dr. Daniel J. Whitener is Dean of Appalachian State Teachers College, 

1 This paper was first read before the Historical Society of North Caro- 
lina in Raleigh, May 2, 1952. 

-J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (New York, 
1914), 120, hereinafter cited as Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina. 

3 Records of the North Carolina State Convention of 1865 (Raleigh, 1865) ; 
Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 128-133. 

Republican Party and Education 383 

about one-half of the revenue for the ante-bellum school 
system. 4 

The War and the Thirteenth Amendment left about 
100,000 freed Negro children of school age in North Caro- 
lina. 5 Until the Republican party established a new school 
system in 1869, many of these freed children were taught by 
charitable and church organizations from the victorious 
North. In 1869 about 11,826 Negro children were enrolled in 
152 schools taught by 224 teachers. 6 Closely allied with these 
charitable organizations was the Freedmen's Bureau, an 
agency of the United States government. In 1869, the year 
the agency was abolished, the Freedmen's Bureau operated 
431 schools, employed 435 teachers, and enrolled more than 
20,200 Negro children in the State. 7 

The effects of these extra- or semi-Republican party agen- 
cies upon public education are difficult to evaluate. Illiteracy 
in North Carolina probably dropped more than 10 per cent 
from 1860 to 1870, among the freedmen. 8 This is a record of 
no small achievement. Yet these schools and their teachers 
tended to alienate the races and fanned an unattainable and 

4 Daniel Jay Whitener, "Public Education in North Carolina During Re- 
construction, 1865-1876," Fletcher Melvin Green (ed.), Essays in Southern 
History (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1948), 
67, hereinafter cited as Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruc- 
tion"; Edgar Wallace Knight, Public School Education in North Carolina 
(Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1916), 84-104, hereinafter cited as Knight, 
Public School Education; Marcus Cicero Stephens Noble, A History of the 
Public Schools of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1930), 97-123, hereinafter cited as Noble, History of Pub- 
lic Schools. 

5 Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruction," 73. 

6 Reports of North Carolina Superintendent of Public Instruction, I860, 
17-25, hereinafter cited as Reports of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

7 United States Executive Documents, Forty-second Congress, Second Ses- 
sion, No. 1, 653; see also J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, "The Freedmen's 
Bureau in North Carolina," South Atlantic Quarterly, VIII (1909), 154. 

8 Francis Butler Simkins, The South Old and New (New York: Alfred 
Knopf, 1946), 213. The 1860 Census gives North Carolina a slave population 
of 135,420 with 100 per cent illiteracy, and "Free Persons, Native, Colored" 
as 13,338 with about half of these illiterate (7,185 illiterates). See Annual 
Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education (1870), 467-502, "Illiteracy 
in the United States," Table II, and Eighth Census, Statistics of the United 
States in 1860, 508. 

Illiteracy of colored persons 10 years of age and upward who could not 
write in 1870 is recorded as 231,293 out of a total population of 272,947, or 
84.8 per cent. See United States Bureau of Education, Circular of Informa- 
tion, No. 3 (1884), 246, Table 21; Ninth Census, The Statistics of Popula- 
tion of the United States, I (1872), 424. Most of the studies of illiteracy in 
the United States begin with 1870. 

384 The North Carolina Historical Review 

unwarrantable ambition for immediate racial equality. Not 
the least of the causes for the stubborn refusal of the property 
holders during the next three decades to accept the handiwork 
of the Republican leaders in behalf of a general and uniform 
system of public education as outlined in the Constitution of 
1868 were the strange doctrines taught and the unconven- 
tional conduct practiced by the Northern school teachers, 
who, fired with missionary zeal, were unwittingly the tools 
of the political party then in power at Washington. 9 

The Republican party officially gained control of North 
Carolina through the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867, 
and subsequent laws. 10 Its control lasted until 1870, when the 
Conservatives (Democrats) won a majority in the General 
Assembly. Not until 1876 did the Democratic party elect a 
governor. 11 The period of Republican party ascendancy in 
North Carolina lasted through a Constitutional Convention 
in 1868 and three sessions of the General Assembly, one regu- 
lar and two special. The party's legislative failures and suc- 
cesses regarding public education must, therefore, be 
determined by its record made during this period. What does 
this record now after about ninety years reveal? 

In the first place, the Republican party did not destroy in 
1865-1866 the ante-bellum common school system— unless 
one says that the party was responsible for the War and then 
the repudiation of Confederate debts. No historian, of course, 
has claimed that the Republican party destroyed the common 
school system; but strangely enough, many laymen and 
part-time historians have perpetuated a palpable untruth. 
Time prohibits further discussion of this topic. 

In the second place, the Republican party established the 
postwar public school system upon what has proved to have 
a firm legal foundation. The committee on education in the 
Constitutional Convention of 1868 was composed of eleven 
Republicans, with Reverend S. S. Ashley, a carpetbagger, as 

9 Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruction," 75. 

10 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 240, 252. 

11 Robert Digges Wimberley Connor, North Carolina: Rebuilding An 
Ancient Commonwealth (Chicago, 111.: Lewis Publishing Company, 4 
volumes, 1929), II, 349-352, hereinafter cited as Connor, Rebuilding An 
Ancient Commonwealth. 

Republican Party and Education 385 

chairman, and two Conservatives. 12 This committee sub- 
mitted Article IX, signed only by the Republican members, 
which was later adopted and which is largely the article on 
education in our present State constitution. 13 

Article IX in the Constitution of 1868 was superior to the 
old Article 41 in the Constitution of 1776 which furnished 
the basis of the ante-bellum common school system. Its philo- 
sophy was broad and ample, saying that "morality, religion, 
and education are necessary for good government, schools, 
and the means of education shall forever be encouraged," a 
sentence taken from the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. 14 In 
practice it authorized the General Assembly to establish "a 
general and uniform system of public schools supported by 
taxation or otherwise wherein tuition shall be free to all chil- 
dren between the ages of six and twenty-one." 15 This clause 
laid the foundation for universal public education, a new and 
untried experiment for North Carolina. The schools were to 
be operated for a term of at least four months, and a per- 
missive compulsory attendance provision was included. 

The provisions regarding school revenue were partly new 
and generally advanced. A State tax for schools which, 
according to one historian, was the chief contribution of the 
Constitution to the cause of learning was authorized. 16 The 
organization of the system was similar to past practices, with 
some changes. A State Superintendent was to be elected by 
popular vote— he was formerly chosen by the legislature— 
and an ex officio State Board of Education took the place of 
the Literary Board. County and local organizations remained, 

13 Journal of the North Carolina Constitutional Convention of 1868, 
44, hereinafter cited as Journal of Convention of 1868 ; Sentinel (Raleigh), 
January 21, 1868, hereinafter cited as Sentinel. 

13 Journal of Convention of 1868, 341. The Republicans who signed the 
majority report were: The Reverend S. S. Ashley, Chairman, W. T. J. 
Hayes, Jno. Read, J. W. Hood, G. William Walker, William T. Blume, A. W. 
Fisher, W. H. Logan, Allen Rose, John R. French, and W. H. S. Sweet. 
The Conservatives who did not sign were J. R. Ellis and John W. Graham. 

14 The North Carolina Constitution of 1868, Article I, Section 1, herein- 
after cited as Constitution of 1868. 

™ Constitution of 1868, Article IX, Section 2. 

16 Samuel H. Thompson, "The Legislative Development of Public School 
Support in North Carolina" (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of 
North Carolina, 1934), 166, hereinafter cited as Thompson, "Legislative 
Development of School Support." 

386 The North Carolina Historical Review 

but the New England township board of trustees was en- 
grafted upon the State. 17 The University of North Carolina 
was made a part of the public school system by placing it 
under the State Board of Education. 18 

Despite these generally admirable provisions, the omission 
of an expressed proscription against mixed schools made Ar- 
ticle IX unacceptable to the Conservatives. 19 Most of the de- 
bates on the Article centered around this omission. The 
Conservatives charged that the omission meant that the 
Republicans were planning to have mixed schools. 20 The 
Republicans answered that this was a local matter to be 
handled by each county. 21 When the Conservatives pushed 
the mixed school issue, the Republicans shifted to the more 
tenable position that the legislature where the white people 
had the majority would always decide. 22 

The debates clearly show that a majority of the Republi- 
can party delegates did not want mixed schools. Ashley and 
other Carpetbaggers would have welcomed mixed schools, 
but no native Republican was recorded as in favor of such 
schools. Even the Negroes said they wanted separate 
schools. 23 And near the end of the Convention a resolution 
declaring for separate schools was adopted which was in no 
way a part of the Constitution. 24 

If a majority of the Republicans were opposed to mixed 
schools, why did they resist a proscription again them, it 

17 The township unit of local government was an anachronism for North 
Carolina. The county had always been the unit (the school districts and 
military districts were largely administrative in nature). This New Eng- 
land "contribution" to North Carolina failed in public education, political 
agencies, law enforcement, administrative agencies and personnel, taxation, 
and the building and maintaining of public roads. The present-day township 
constable is an innocuous heritage. 

18 Constitution of 1868, Article IX, Section 6. 

19 Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruction," 75-76; Noble, 
History of Public Schools, 289-297. 

^Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruction," 75-76; Noble, 
History of Public Schools, 289-297; Journal of Convention of 1868, 338, 342, 
343; Sentinel, March 7, 1868; see also Albion W. Tourgee, A Fool's Errand, 
By One of the Fools (New York: Fords, Howard, Hulbert, 1879), 151. 

a Whitener, "Public Education During Reconstruction," 76. 

22 Weekly North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), March 7, 1868, herein- 
after cited as the Standard (this paper was published as a daily, tri-weekly, 
and weekly and under various titles) ; Sentinel, July 17, 1868. 

23 Standard, March 7, 1868; Sentinel, July 17, 1868. 

24 Journal of Convention of 1868, 473. 

Republican Party and Education 387 

may be asked. They said that the ante-bellum school system 
had never admitted free Negroes and there was then no 
Constitutional clause prohibiting mixed schools. Only an un- 
derstanding of the composition of the party and of the history 
of the period can give an adequate answer, and that history 
is more or less familiar to the reader. Looking back, we may 
reasonably conclude that this omission was a major blunder of 
the party and probably the chief issue which led to its defeat 
in 1870 and 1876. Negro suffrage and corruption, and waste 
were all issues and all important, but the issue of mixed 
schools touched directly each home. 

Another major attack on the Constitution made by the 
Conservatives was the charge that under it school taxes 
would "grind" property holders "to powder." The editor of 
the Raleigh Sentinel of March, 1868, in commenting on this 
issue said,". . . this Yankeeized agrarianism raises its grisly 
front in every paragraph of the Constitution, sweeps its Puri- 
tanical talons around every acre of our domain and it is the 
most rapacious of all the bloody devils of unmerciful con- 
quest." 25 

The Republicans answered that they were not "leveling 
downward" by taxation for education, but were "leveling 
upward." 26 They claimed that their party stood for cheap, 
simple, and just government. 27 They pointed out what the 
Conservatives ignored until after the election, but then en- 
dorsed with faith and charity, that the Constitution imposed 
very definite poll and property tax limitations which should 
allay the unjustifiable fears of the property holders. 28 

In the bitter campaign for the ratification of the Constitu- 
tion, the issues of mixed schools and taxation for schools were 
dominant. 29 To them was added by the Conservatives the 
issue that the permissive clause on compulsory attendance 
meant that poor children would be forced to attend school 
with Negroes, but wealthy children could attend private 

* Sentinel, March 19, 1868. 

28 Standard (daily), March 28, 1868. 

"Standard (weekly), April 13, 19, May 7, 1868. 

38 Sentinel, April 8, 1868; Western Democrat (Charlotte), quoted in 
Watchman and Old North State (Salisbury), May 1, 15, 1868, hereinafter 
cited as Watchman and Old North State. 

39 Connor, Rebuilding An Ancient Commonwealth, II, 386 ; Hamilton, Re- 
construction In North Carolina, 278-288. 

388 The North Carolina Historical Review 

schools. Despite these and other arguments the Conservatives 
failed to defeat the Constitution and it was ratified by a vote 
of 93,086 to 74,016. 30 

In the elections for State officers, Editor William W. Hold- 
en, Republican, was chosen Governor and Ashley was chosen 
State Superintendent of Public Instruction. 31 No governor 
of North Carolina has been more generally condemned by 
laymen and historians than has Holden. Whatever justification 
these damnations have— and I will say as a footnote that it 
is my judgment that the history of Holden has not yet been 
written, perhaps not even started— these malignings find 
little justification in his educational policies. Few governors 
of this State have advocated more earnestly and worked more 
consistently for a system of public schools freed from partisan 
politics and open to all children of the State, white and black. 
He was always a strong advocate of separate schools for the 
races, but equal in opportunities. 32 

The new General Assembly, completely under the control 
of the Republican party, promptly followed the recommenda- 
tions of Governor Holden and a resolution for separate schools 
was passed in the House by a vote of 91 to 2 and in the 
Senate by an overwhelming vote. 33 Superintendent Ashley 
prepared a bill for the establishment of a public school system. 
This amended bill subsequently became the School Law 
of 1869. 34 

The School Law of 1869 deserves to rank along with the 
great school laws of 1839 and 1933. 35 In addition to establish- 

30 R. D. W. Connor (ed.), A Manual of North Carolina . . . (Raleigh: 
North Carolina Historical Commission, 1913), 1,018, hereinafter cited as 
Connor, North Carolina Manual, 1913. 

31 Connor, North Carolina Manual, 1913, 1,002. 

82 Thompson, "Legislative Development of School Support," 173-179; 
Standard (tri-weekly), October 12, 1866; Standard (weekly), July 11, 
October 10, 17, 1866; Sentinel, January 29, June 9, October 4, 6, 23, 1866; 
North Carolina Legislative Documents, 1868-69, No. 1; Watchman and Old 
North State, July 10, November 27, 1868; Reports of Superintendent of 
Public Instruction, 1869, passim; Standard, February 27, March 3, April 
2, 5, 9, 1869. The above conclusion is not based alone on these specific 
references but rather upon known facts about Holden's record from child- 
hood to old age. 

33 North Carolina House Journal, 1868, 50-54, hereinafter cited as House 
Journal (with year) ; Sentinel, July 17, 1868. 

34 Public Laws of North Carolina, 1868-1869, Chapter 184, 458-477, here- 
inafter cited Public Laws. 

35 The School Law of 1839 provided for the beginning of public schools 
in North Carolina; the School Law of 1933 established the present school 

Republican Party and Education 389 

ing a dual school system, it provided for a State-supported 
school term of four months. But the law did not end with 
State revenue; it included a provision for local taxes. If the 
revenue from the State was not sufficient to maintain the 
four-months term, the county commissioners were to levy 
sufficient local taxes to make up the difference. 36 Later the 
State Supreme Court in 1871 in the notorious decision of 
Lane vs Stanley held that this local levy was not a necessary 
expense as contemplated in the Constitution and could not 
be levied without a favorable vote of the people. 37 This de- 
cision killed the local revenue clause. 

Superintendent Ashley deserved better treatment by both 
contemporary partisans and subsequent historians. I could 
find no evidence that he used his position to promote mixed 
schools in either official or unofficial records of the period. In 
a burst of energy he started a voluminous correspondence 
and report gathering. At the end of his first year, Ashley ad- 
mitted his record was not as good as he had hoped for; he 
nevertheless reopened his public schools and they have re- 
mained open ever since. He likely did as well as any northern 
Republican would have done— perhaps much better. 38 

When the Conservatives gained control of the General 
Assembly, they reduced his salary and Ashley resigned in 
1871. 39 Alexander Mclver, a native Republican, and a former 
professor at Davidson College and at the University of North 
Carolina, was appointed by Governor Tod R. Caldwell and 
served until 1874. 40 Mclver had three attributes Ashley did 
not have: He was a native, he did not believe in mixed schools, 
and he was uninterested in Negro education. In at least one 

"Public Laws, 1868-1869, Chapter 185, Section 25, 464; Whitener, "Pub- 
lic Education During Reconstruction," 82. 

87 Charles Lee Coon, "School Support and Our North Carolina Courts, 
1868-1926," The North Carolina Historical Review, III (July, 1926), 397- 
438; North Carolina Supreme Court Records, 1870, 65 North Carolina 153. 

88 Manuscript in Letter Books, 1868-1870, Superintendent of Public In- 
struction; Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1869-1870; 
manuscript in Legislative Papers, 1868-1869 ; the bill for the School Law of 
1869 was written by Ashley; Legislative Documents, 1871-1872, No 6, 16; 
see also newspapers of the period. 

89 Sentinel, September 4, 6, 1871; House Journal (1871-1872), 33. 
40 Greensboro Patriot, January 22, 1871; Daily Era (Raleigh), January 
6, 13, 14, 1873. 

390 The North Carolina Historical Review 

respect he was inferior to Ashley and his School Law of 1872 
proved so defective that it was repealed by the very next 
legislature. 41 A Democrat, Stephen D. Pool, was elected State 
Superintendent in 1874 but was soon forced to resign when 
he admitted misappropriation of the Peabody Education 
Fund. 42 John Pool, a prominent native Republican attorney 
and former United States Senator, was appointed to fill the 
vacancy. 43 He had neither interest in nor training for the job 
and he made no contribution. The Reconstruction era had 

During Reconstruction the Conservatives (Democrats) 
were, generally speaking, not unfriendly to the theory of pub- 
lic education, but they were hostile to any State taxes which 
would maintain that system. No sooner was the Democra- 
tic party in power than in addition to the adoption of a 
constitutional amendment for separate schools 44 it destroyed 
the foundation of Ashley's system by enacting legislation 
which authorized the State school taxes be collected within 
each county and used exclusively for the children within that 
county. 45 This in effect made the State tax a county tax and 
destroyed the Republican system. Hitherto all taxes in the 
county had been paid to the State and then distributed on the 
basis of a school census. 

Sixty years passed before the Democratic party, then led 
educationally by such men as Josephus Daniels and Dr. B. B. 
Dougherty, who were willing to put all of the wealth back 
of all the school children of the State, again established in 
North Carolina a general and uniform system of public edu- 
cation. 46 Just as in 1869, there were in 1929 and in 1933 cries 

41 Public Laws, 1872-1873, Chapter 90, Section 30, 128; see also Legisla- 
tive Documents, 1872-1873, No. 5, 2-7; Report of Superintendent of Public 
Instruction (Mclver's second report), November 1, 1872. 

42 Peabody Proceedings, II, 65. 

43 Legislative Documents, 1876-1877, No. 6, 1. 

^Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1875, 130; Constitution of 
1868, Article IX, Section 2. 

45 Public Laws, 1870-1871, Chapter 237, Section 5, 387-388. 

16 Josephus Daniels, a distinguished editor, statesman, and diplomat, as 
early as 1889 was strongly advocating a State system, not a local system. 
See State Chronicle (Raleigh), February 1, 1889, hereinafter cited as 
State Chronicle; Josephus Daniels, Editor in Politics (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 323-324. Dr. B. B. Dougherty of 
Boone, co-founder of Watauga Academy in 1899, singlehandedly wrote the 
charter and led the fight for laws to establish in 1903 the Appalachian 

Republican Party and Education 391 

of protest. These voices of doom were prophets of local educa- 
tion, a philosophy that was financially unsound in 1871, a 
failure in 1900, and bankrupt in 1929 and 1933. 47 

The Bourbon Period lasted from 1876 to 1894. During 
these two decades the Republican party made little or no im- 
portant contribution to public education. Although it was 
the minority party, its candidates for governor received only 
from 6,000 to 20,000 fewer votes than did the Democratic 
candidates out of a total of about 250,000 ballots cast. 48 Re- 
publicans usually had a majority in about 35 to 38 per cent 
of the counties and large minorities in many others. 49 Despite 
its numerical strength the Republican newspapers 50 were 
uninterested in schools, and the party's State platforms of 
1884, 1888, and 1890 scarcely mentioned the subject. 51 At 
other times, along with the Democratic party, it advocated the 
Blair Bill, a bill in Congress for federal aid to public educa- 
tion. 52 Neither did the party make any of the twenty-seven 
town elections for graded schools a party issue. 53 

Training School, in 1922 the Appalachian Normal School, and in 1929 
the Appalachian State Teachers College. For about 35 years he was a 
member of the highest State educational board, helped to instigate the Collie 
Case (J. R. Collie vs. Commissioners of Franklin County, 145 N. C, 127) 
in 1907, and was called "Champion of Pauper Counties" in 1912 by the 
Charlotte Observer, and authored the Hancock School Law of 1929. 

47 In 1933 the State abolished all local taxes for education and assumed 
complete responsibility for public education in North Carolina. See Paul 
V. Betters, State Centralization in North Carolina (Washington, D. C: 
The Brookings Institution, 1932), 1-4, 46-59. 

48 The Democratic party majority was as follows: 13,929 in 1876; 6,247 
in 1880; 20,335 in 1884; and 14,380 in 1888. See Connor, North Carolina 
Manual, 1913, 1,001-1,006. 

49 The Republican party had the majority in 37 counties in 1880, in 31 
counties in 1884, and in 35 counties in 1888. It lost with less than 100 
ballots in eight counties in 1880, one in 1884, and 11 in 1888. See Connor, 
North Carolina Manual, 1913, 1,001-1,006. 

50 State Chronicle, September 24, 1890, an editorial "Public Education . . . 
The Record of the Two Parties Contrasted." 

61 State Chronicle, September 24, 1890, editorial. 

62 State Chronicle, August 29, 1890; see also State Chronicle, June 1, 1888; 
Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro in Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 189 U- 
1901 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 41, 
hereinafter cited as Edmonds, The Negro in Fusion Politics. 

63 Charles Lee Coon, "The Beginning of the North Carolina City Schools, 
1867-1887," The South Atlantic Quarterly, XII (July, 1913), 235; The 
News and Observer (Raleigh), July 11, 17, 28, 1897, hereinafter cited as 
The News and Observer; Reports of Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
1900-1902, lvii, lix, lxi; Joseph Flake Steelman, "The Progressive Era in 
North Carolina, 1884-1917" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University 
of North Carolina, 1955), hereinafter cited as Steelman, "The Progressive 
Era in North Carolina"; G. B. Phillips, "The Development of the Graded 
School," North Carolina Education, February, 1936, 211. 

392 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The explanation for the general apathy of the Republican 
party toward public education is not difficult to explain. Its 
best educational leadership during Reconstruction, with the 
exception of that from Governor Holden, came generally 
from the Carpetbaggers. Holden had been impeached, con- 
victed, humiliated, silenced, and disfranchised. Now its lead- 
ership understood the lack of popular support and was 
content to disregard the needs of public education and the 
issue of taxation for schools. 

Another explanation for the sterile educational leadership 
within the Republican party may be found partly in its 
composition. It was composed of four factions; namely, in- 
dustrialists, small farmers, office seekers, and Negroes. 54 The 
industrial wing at that time was uninterested in and saw little 
need for schools. 55 To pay teachers' salaries would cost money, 
and money would have to be raised by taxes. One might have 
expected that the small farmers and Negroes would have 
been more articulate in advocating better schools. Those in 
the federal-office-holding wing of the party were opposed to 
agitation which might cause criticism of themselves. 

It should be pointed out that the large vote of the Republi- 
can party during this period is deceptive of its strength. By 
the County Government Law of 1876 the Democrats cen- 
tralized the control of local affairs in the General Assembly. 56 
This law retained the county commissioners but provided for 
their appointment by the justices of the peace who in turn 
were chosen by the legislature. This was done, so the Demo- 
crats claimed, to keep the Negroes from gaining control in 
fifteen or eighteen eastern counties. Whatever its objective, 
it reduced the Republican party to impotency in North Car- 
olina. Thereafter they had no local or state officers— only 
federal patronage was available. Members interested in a 
strong party spent their energies in denouncing the undemo- 
cratic system of local government. 57 

54 Daniel Jay Whitener, North Carolina History (Oklahoma City: Harlow 
Publishing Company, 1958), 172-173, 209, hereinafter cited as Whitener, 
North Carolina History. 

66 Whitener, North Carolina History, 218. 

"Connor, Rebuilding An Ancient Commonwealth, II, 406; Edmonds, The 
Negro in Fusion Politics, 8-33. 

B7 Edmonds, The Negro in Fusion Politics, 20-36. 

Republican Party and Education 393 

This period of Bourbon Rule, in sum, was one of little 
activity by the Republican party on behalf of public educa- 
tion. In this respect, the party did not differ materially from 
the policy followed by the Democratic party. 58 

The last period, called Fusion Rule, covers the years from 
1894 to 1900. During this time the Populist and Republican 
parties joined forces to capture control of the State. Actually, 
Fusion Rule ended when the Democrats won in the election 
of 1898, although the Republican governor, Daniel L. Rus- 
sell, served through 1900. 

Of late there has been considerable talk that Fusion Rule 
produced the real Aycock educational revival in North Caro- 
lina. 59 This talk seems to be based upon the premise that a 
great educational renaissance took place at about 1900. There 
are those who believe that even this premise should be 

What did Fusion Rule contribute to public education? Al- 
though not of primary importance here, the farm leaders who 
led the Populist party and supported Fusion Rule did agitate 
for better schools, but there was no great agrarian ground- 
swell recorded. 60 The Republican party was content, it 
appears, to drift with the tide. Its Governor, Daniel L. Rus- 
sell, scarcely mentioned public schools in his inaugural 
address and in his messages to the General Assembly. 61 

M State Chronicle, September 24, 1890. 

69 Florence E. Smith, "The Populist Movement and Its Influence in North 
Carolina" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929), 
52-53, 184-185; J. P. Weaver, "The Gubernatorial Election of 1896 in 
North Carolina" (unpublished M. A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 
1937), hereinafter cited as Weaver, "The Election of 1896"; Edmonds, The 
Negro in Fusion Politics, 41, 62, 63; see for county government, 41, 117-119 
(1895), and 63, 119-120- (1897), and Chapter II, "Factors Underlying 
Fusionism," 8-33. See also Rosalie F. McNeill, "The First Fifteen Months of 
Daniel L. Russell" (unpublished M. A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 
1939), passim, hereinafter cited as McNeill, "The First Fifteen Months of 
Daniel L. Russell"; S. A. Delap, "The Populist Party in North Carolina," 
Trinity College Historical Papers, Series XIV, 1922, 58, hereinafter cited as 
Delap, The Populist Party"; Steelman, "The Progressive Era in North 

*° See files of The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh), especially March 9, 20, 
1887; January 12, 19, 1888; November 5, 1889; September 16, 1890; Jan- 
uary 13, 1891; June 28, 1892; October 30, 1894; January 4, 1898; Caucasian 
(Raleigh), February 14, 21, 1895; January 14, 1897; April 6, 1899; The 
North Carolina Farmers' Alliance Proceedings of Annual Session (Fifth, 
1890: Sixth, 1891; Fifteenth, 1900) ; North Carolina State Granae. Patrons 
of Husbandry, Proceedings Annual Session (Second, 1875; Fifth, 1878; 
Tenth, 1882; Eleventh, 1883; Fifteenth, 1887). 

91 Public Documents, 1895, "Inaugural Address and Biennial Message." 
See The News and Observer, January 6, 1899. 

394 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Fusion apologists have pointed with pride to school legis- 
lation of 1895 and 1897. With the exception of the praise- 
worthy slight increase in the State tax for schools— 62 and 
this increase was only in proportion to increases that had been 
made during the past fifteen years by the Democratic party— 63 
school legislation of 1895 was a disappointment. The truth is 
that the legislation of this session threatened to wreck the 
counties' administrative school system. The abolition of the 
offices of county superintendent and of county board of edu- 
cation and placing school administration under the control 
of the county commissioners seems to have been, however, a 
policy of politics rather than of hostility. 64 

Charles H. Mebane, a Populist, chosen State Superinten- 
dent of Public Instruction in the election of 1896, tried to 
correct in 1897 some of the blunders of the School Law of 
1895, and in this he was generally successful. He stressed 
that the public schools should be removed from partisan 
politics. 65 Historians have trumpeted his Law of 1897 which 
authorized a special school tax election within each school 
district of the State every two years until the special tax was 
approved. 66 Upon approval, the district would receive an 
amount of money from the State equal to the amount raised 
by local taxes. 67 Characteristic of the general hostility toward 
taxation for public education, only twelve widely-scattered 
districts in the entire State voted the tax, 68 and the Law was 

82 Public Laws, 1895, Chapter 113, 116. The tax was raised from sixteen 
cents to eighteen cents. 

63 Charles Lee Coon, A Statistical Record of the Progress of Public Ed- 
ucation in North Carolina, 1875-1906 (Raleigh, 1907). 

64 Public Laws, 1895, Chapter 439, 465-467; see also Delap, "The Populist 
Party," 59; Weaver, "The Election of 1896," 35-36. 

65 Reports of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1896-1898, 
48-49. " I[C. H. Mebane, Superintendent] have taken no active part in any 
political campaign. ... I have long felt that one of the most important 
things to be done in connection with our public educational work was to 
remove it as far as possible from partisan politics." 

68 Knight, Public School Education, 325: "One of the most advanced ed- 
ucational laws yet enacted . . ."; McNeill, "The First Fifteen Months of 
Daniel L. Russell," 59-60. 

""Public Laws, 1897, Chapter 421, 605-607; The News and Observer, 
March 10, 1897. 

68 Reports of Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1896-1898, 134. The 
twelve townships were widely scattered in the following counties: one in 
Bertie, one in Dare, one in Durham, one in Hyde, one in Jackson, one in 
Macon, one in Mecklenburg, four in Surry, and one in Watauga. The total 
tax voted amounted to $2,260.07. 

Republican Party and Education 395 

repealed by the Democrats in 1899. 69 The agitation for better 
schools, for increased taxation, and for other reforms certainly 
did accelerate the movement for public education. The part 
that the Republican party had in this agitation was largely 

In conclusion, the history of the Republican party and edu- 
cation with the one exception parallels the accepted thought 
of the period from 1867 to 1900. That one exception was the 
splendid leadership of the party during the Reconstruction 
era on behalf of a general and uniform system of schools. 
Doubtless much of this leadership came from the Carpet- 
baggers who, for reasons well known to all historians, were 
persona non grata to a majority of the white people of North 
Carolina. Whatever may be said of the mistakes, and there 
were many grievous mistakes made by the Republican party 
during Reconstruction, public education was not one of 
them— unless one holds that the party was unpolitic on the 
issue of mixed schools. So sound were Article IX and the 
School Law of 1869 that many of their provisions have been 
carried down to the present. 

The period of Bourbon Rule from around 1876 to 1894 was 
one of low tide of Republican leadership in education. This 
may be attributable to the composition of the party and to the 
nature of county government. In an era that worshipped with 
words local rule and local taxation, but firmly established 
State direction, the Republican party was disfranchised. 

For this period of Fusion Rule during which the Republi- 
can party shared with the Populist party control in North 
Carolina the evidence is conclusive that the educational 
leadership came chiefly from the Populist party. Although 
the farmers were chiefly responsible for the constructive leg- 
islation, the Republican party gets and deserves some of the 
blame for the failure of Fusion Rule to solve the issues of local 
government and white supremacy on a county level. If the 
leaders of the Republican party then understood the need 
for public education and the part schools would play in the 
new century, they left little or no record of their under- 

"Public Laws, 1899, Chapter 637. 

396 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina in 1900 was slowly passing from an agrarian 
to an industrial society. Credit must be and is hereby given 
to all people of good will who helped build sentiment for 
public schools. One should not be too critical of either their 
educational leaders of that period, or for their attempts to 
compress a "general and uniform system of public schools" 
into local units which were neither general nor uniform. They 
had their eyes fixed upon that which was passing, and the 
architects of the present school system had not then begun to 
draw the plans. 

Edited By Charles W. Turner* 

Reuben to his wife Eliza 65 

Sacramento, Sept. 25/50 
My dear wife, 

I have as I confidently anticipated when I wrote you so short 
a time since from San. F. been again cheered by the reception of 
yours on June 21st, mailed July 5th and July 25th to August 9th. 
I am rejoiced to learn that our dear boy is so much better, So 
Entirely Restored and trust you may all continue to enjoy good 
health during our weary months of separation. 

How Gladly would I have shared your toil and care with the 
dear little fellow and how sincerely have I united with you (as 
I trust I have even here many a time done) in thanksgiving and 
praise to Him who has in rich mercy thus far watched over and 
preserved his precious life, and To Whom I Desire Unreserved- 
ly To Dedicate Him, but I have been denied that privilege in 
person, and would not now murmur or complain. And now to 
think that you have been so annoyed and he so distressed by that 
miserable wretch of a nurse, is really too bad and I do not know 
how you have preserved your temper as you have or kept from 
chastising her as she so richly deserves. You will do what is best 
with her and I hope you have ere this, had your mind relieved 
from all care or fear concerning her, by sending her home or 
somewhere entirely out of your way. If you cannot send her home 
conscientiously I would not hesitate in the least to employ her 
at any boarding house or place where you could realize her wages, 
let the drudgery she had to encounter be what it might. But I 
say again that I hope a way has already been opened for you to 
get rid of her altogether. 66 

And really our good sister has been again doomed to a few 
years of a life of dreary nothingness in Washington City. Poor 
girl, how I pity her the contrast from that of her delightful and 

* Dr. Charles W. Turner is a Professor of History, Washington and Lee 
University, Lexington, Virginia. 

65 Mrs. Knox was in North Carolina spending most of her time with her 
sister, Susannah Sarah (Mrs. William A. Graham), in Hillsboro. 

M No doubt the nurse was a Negro slave whose work was proving un- 


398 The North Carolina Historical Review 

quiet home (enough to make one's cup of happiness overflow at 
any time, But More Especially Now). The very thought is 
too sad to mention. But I must leave you All Three Alone, for 
if I perchance wander by your side in imagination, I am, when 
brought back to the sober reality of a Lone Life In California, 
infinitely worse off than poor Sister Susan. 67 

Joseph will tell you what he has to say on the balance of this 
sheet, and I must do the same at some future time. Franklin 
placed his letter with the Double one mailed by me in San Fran- 
cisco, but finding I had more than the half ounce weight and 
wished to keep one open until I got a peep into the present mail, 
I took it out and herewith consign it to your safety and hearty 
acceptance. You will be cheered This Time by my letter I am 
sure. Tell little Betty her letters, so many of them I could hardly 
count them, and so nicely sealed too, all came to her dear Papa 
very safely and I send her a great many thanks and a great many 
kisses for them because she thinks of her Pa and loves him so 
well as to like to write to him. Tell her that Pa sent her so long 
a letter the other day in the mail that she must excuse him from 
writing another now as this will go to St. Louis or N. Orleans by 
Mr. Coote who is returning home. 

I freight him with quite a list. A letter from Cousin Samuel 
from Springfield. 68 He had rec'd no answer to him from you 
when he wrote, but was hoping soon to do so ; wished me to urge 
you to spend next summer with them in Springfield. Said he 
would go to Carolina for you if you would consent to do so. 

Much love to all. 

Yr. ever Aff . husband 
R. Knox 

(Joseph's letter on last sheet of folder) 
My dear Mother : 

As Pa has left this page for me, I will fill it as well as I am 
able, and yet I hardly know how to commence — there are so many 
things to say and so short a space to say them in. You are prob- 
ably well enough acquainted with our departure from Fort Kear- 
ney and would doubtless like to contrast it with our entrance into 

Imagine us then, if you can, just entering Hangtown 69 with 
our brilliant cavalcade of men and horses, the former unshaven 
and unshorn, and many of them clothed in suits which hardly a 

67 Mrs. William A. Graham, whose husband was Secretary of the Navy 
from 1850 to 1851. 

68 Springfield, Massachusetts. 

89 Hangtown refers to the town of Placerville, California. 

Reuben Knox Letters 399 

leper in California would envy, looking more like bandits than 
men accustomed to a civilized life : the latter gaily Packed, not 
caparisoned, with bags, bundles, kettles, pans, etc., etc., and 
hardly able to walk, being so worn out by hunger and fatigue. 
Instead of the 70 mules and 11 wagons which we had at the start, 
we came in with 28 mules and no wagons. We have had a hard 
trip, much harder than any of us expected to find it. Men may 
talk at home of their capability or willingness to endure hard- 
ship and privation and expect to meet with many on the way and 
to endure them too, but I will venture to say but few, if any, 
have ever started across the plains for the first time with any 
Just conception of the trials they would have to undergo, for 
if they had any certainty would never have started. But the trip 
and its incidents are now among the things that were, and I 
am glad that we have taken it and are safely through, and I can 
sympathize with and fully appreciate the danger of the mass 
which is still behind. The sufferings of the emigrants who are on 
Carson River 70 or in the Mts. must be incalculable, most of them 
out of money and out of provisions with broken down teams, and 
overtaken by snow in the Mts. must suffer exceedingly if they do 
not perish. Relief trains have been sent out from this place and 
elsewhere, but have failed to reach their destination and there 
is no telling the consequences of this failure. Henry and Cousin 
Reuben have gone to the mines on the Consumnes River, 71 about 
32 miles east of this place. We have not heard of them since they 
left. Pa 72 is going out to see them today. Frank is in San Fran- 
cisco where he will probably settle if for his advantage. Pa, 
Cousin Richard and myself are still in Sac. City. We expect to 
start a couple of stores either here or in some of the mines. From 
present appearances I think that Pa will find himself richly re- 
paid for his hardships and vexations on the trip. The future will 
determine. Henry has grown and improved in health and flesh 
more than you can imagine. I am more fleshy and feel much 
better than I did at home. Frank can't get much fatter. Pa has 
spoken for himself. Tell Betty that Bro. Joe has sent a kiss all 
the way from Cal. for her. My kind regards to all friends in 
Hillsboro and elsewhere. More at another time. 

Good bye, Yr Son, Joseph. 

"The Carson River is in present-day Nevada. 

71 The Consumnes River is near Sacramento. 

72 "Pa" refers to Dr. Knox. 

400 The North Carolina Historical Review 

San Francisco Oct. 14, 1850 
My dear Wife, 

Your cheering letter of the 20th of August was reed by the 
last mail, one week ago today, and I drop you a hasty line tonight 
as the mail closes tomorrow morning. 

You will perceive by the date of this that I am again in San F., 
and I will tell you Why. We have started to the southern mines 
to try the sub-marine armor, 73 as I ascertain the prospect there 
is more favorable than further north at this season of the year, 
and having to make use of a boat with considerable machinery 
connected with the armor, we purchased a sail boat in Sacra- 
mento capable of carrying from one and a half to two tons weight 
and came down here on our own hook to lay in stores, etc. Waited 
one day after getting ready to start, for the mail to be distributed 
and peruse your letter, and the wind being ahead have been 
all the week in getting down, having some very rough weather 
and constant head winds with the exception of half a day. 

Richard, Henry and myself compose the crew, Joseph having 
gone across the country with the wagon, etc., to meet us there (on 
the Mokelumme River) , 74 We have had to lie out in our little boat 
exposed to the wind and waves two nights as we were so situated 
we could not make the land, except that covered with water at 
high tide, and last night having a perfect gale I could not stop 
at all, and feared very much we should not get here in time to 
write you by this mail. When we left we thought of getting down 
with all ease in three days at farthest. 

Feeling sore, tired and sleepy therefore, you will excuse me 
once more as I hardly have energy enough to hold my pen, much 
less to direct my thought. 

Have been out since tea to call on Mrs. Foreguard (always a 
source of pleasure as she is one of your warmest and best friends) 
who send, as usual a great deal of love to "Sister Eliza". The 
Doct. is unwell with head ache from bad cold, as well as Frank 
slightly down from the same cause, the first cold he has had since 
he left home he says, and attributes the cause to sleeping Within 
DOORS. This will seem strange to you, but I have known it to 
prove true in many instances. Franklin is engaged in completing 
his sketches so that the engraving may be made therefrom, and 
he has a great many of them which will require much labor. His 
materials which I shipped from N. York before leaving home 
(about a month) have not yet arrived, neither have my goods 

73 "Sub-marine armor" was a sort of suit worn to dive into the water in 
search of metal in deep rivers or old mines filled with water. 

74 The Mokelumme River is located near Sacramento. 

Reuben Knox Letters 401 

via N. Orleans, which is a great disappointment as I had intended 
that Joseph and Henry should have been employed in the store 
(or stores as we have enough for two) by adding groceries, etc., 
which we have to purchase here, and we need the funds arising 
from the sales very much to enable us to operate on such a scale 
as would be at all satisfactory. The men, what few remain, (as 
you must know, if I did not tell you before, that most of them 
have already proven faithless and left) have done as yet, very 
little more than pay expenses and acquired some little insight 
into the business of gold digging, and it is yet doubtful as to 
their success or our final arrangements for business. 75 

Shall inform you from time to time as well as I can what our 
intentions are and what we have done, When We Do Anything. 

I found Henry sick with dysentery when I last went to the 
mines where he had been at work Very Hard (as the hands all 
informed me), and brought him home when he soon recovered, 
although he is not yet near so fleshy or strong as he was before 
his attack. He is very anxious to get settled & On A Farm, 
which by the way is one of the best kinds of business here, and 
yielding far more abundantly than the "gold diggers". Onions, 
for instance, ( which can be raised in great perfection and abun- 
dance here as well as most garden vegetables are selling readily 
at 62*4 pr pound, tomatoes 20 to 25 cents, cabbage 20 cts., beets, 
potatoes, turnips, etc., from 12 to 20^' per pound, and so on. 76 

Eggs on the bill of fare when we took our supper tonight 50^ 
apiece. In market they sell readily at $5.00 per dozen, just now 
being higher than usual. Butter 60 to 75^, cheese 40 to 60^. milk 
75 to $1.00 per quart, etc., etc. 

The range for stock is as fine as can be imagined in many 
places, and what is singular, the hill tops and mountain sides are 
covered with wild oats as perfectly as any field you have ever seen 
in any part of the union. We have passed millions of acres on 
our way from Sacramento to this place to speak within bounds, 
and night before last we took a burning mountain of these dry 
oats for our Polar Star, and steered by it many hours as we 
ascertained before dark that to be our course through the bay 15 
miles in extent, when we were trying to make headway against 
wind and tide ; a task we shall be unwilling to undertake again 
unless compelled to do so. 

We have an opportunity to examine the country and gain in- 
formation respecting it, by having our own conveyance, which 

75 Many of the members of the original Knox party had deserted and were 
trying their luck in the mines. 

76 A scarcity of manufactures and an oversupply of metal had resulted in 

402 The North Carolina Historical Review 

we could not do by passing ever so frequently upon the packet 
boats. There are many very beautiful situations along the river 
and bays through which we pass and the land is said to be very 
productive, yet I have not seen an acre fenced in or under culti- 
vation yet. Some few have a little garden patch for their own 
use near the cities, but all are engaged in gold seeking or mer- 
chandize. The time will come I think when an entirely different 
aspect will be presented to view in passing ; and many fine fields 
of vegetables and grain wave, where now the wild oats and high 
prairie grass cover the entire surface. 

I see by your letter that you have received mine from Ft. 
Laramie and hope before this, a long time, my other, alluded to 
in that will have reached you as I sent it to Mr. Langdon only 
a day or two after, by a messenger from the fort returning from 
the upper crossing of the Platte with half a dozen or more horses 
and mules stolen by the worthless vagabonds prowling about 
among the emigrants. Langdon himself was after stolen horses, 
two of which I thought of purchasing of him the day before they 
were taken and [I] waited for Cousin Richard to come up with 
the wagon. We had to buy a great many along the route to keep 
up our number, and at last only got through with about one 
third as many as we had expected to bring in, and none of them 
are yet fit for market. Had in all (including those lost and stolen 
at St. Josephs) 88, and now number only 28, even if we find all 
that we left at the ranch which is extremely doubtful. I am 
at loss to know what the report of Mr. Graham to Mr. Bryan in 
N. York originated in, relative to my arrival here, — probably by 
mistaking the sign of one of my name, or seeing his arrival by 
the Isthmus announced in the list of passengers. 77 There is a 
Dr. T. B. Knox in Sacramento who has a small hospital there. I 
saw him a day or two before I left as he was sick and requested 
me to prescribe for himself and patients. He also wished to sell 
out hospital and all to me as his health had not been good, and 
he wished to winter in the Sandwich Island. 78 He is from Mass. 
and a very distant connection of mine, the same great grand- 

Am rejoiced to learn that our dear little boy is so well and 
that little Betty continues well, but grieve to reflect that our 
good sisters Susan and Ann are in feeble health. Hope indeed 
that nothing serious will grow out of Ann's recent attack and 
that a tour to the North with the "codliver oil" will work wonders 
with that other model of all that is "lovely and of good report". 

"Passenger lists often cited names of members of gold rush parties so 
it is possible someone might have had the same name as Reuben. 
78 The Hawaiian Islands were once known as the Sandwich Islands. 

Reuben Knox Letters 403 

How I should delight to See Them Both With You Now and 
spend a few weeks once more together. In fact were I able to live 
comfortably I would surely decide at once upon settling near all 
my dear Carolina relatives to be where we could call at our will, 
upon a Mother, Sister or Brother and enjoy as much as we 
might and have heretofore done, with them would afford me more 
real pleasure than any one But You and I can imagine and I 
"still live in hopes." 

Have often known the oil you mention work wonders with the 
feeble and emaciated and think Sister Susan one of those patients 
most likely to be benefitted by it, as I confidently trust her case to 
be more that of diseased Action or Functional derangement 
of the lungs, than any real "lesion" of those vital organs. Don't 
fail to state in all your letters, the Particulars respecting the 
health of all. If Sister S. would not accuse me of selfishness I 
would advise her by all means to remain in Carolina during the 
winter. 79 

Why do you not tell me something about Sister Mary and her 
new home ? I have not heard a word from her since I left home. 

Tell my dear little Betty that I want to see her very much too. 
Much more I think than she "wants to see her Papa and brothers" 
and that I am very glad to get another letter from her. She must 
be sure to write me every time her Mama does. Give her many 
kisses and little brother too. Tell Betty I am so glad she is so 
kind to him and loves to wait upon him so well. 

And now once again, my dearest and most loved one, the time 
has arrived for saying "good night" and Farewell for two more 
long weeks. May your health be preserved and the richest of 
our Heavenly Father's temporal and spiritual blessings ever 
attend you. 

Aff'y yr. husband, R. Knox. 

Much love and many kind messages to my dear Mother and 
Sisters with their families. Kind regards to the Misses White. 
Will you let your Kinston friends know that "all are well". My 
love, etc., etc., etc., RK. Frank and Henry send love to all Byebye, 

San Francisco May 1st 1851 

One year ago this evening, My dear wife, (an ever memorable 
time with me) , I was happy with you at our mutual kind friend's, 
Prof. Post, and now that the year is so nearly gone I begin to 
look upon the remaining one as already growing shorter day by 
day, thereby diminishing the sad time or our separation. 

79 Mrs, Graham had been residing in Washington, D. C 

404 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I expected when I closed your letter this morning to have left 
today, after the work was over, for our ranch, but could not 
get off in consequence of being misdirected in the harbor after 
Flour I was shipping for Richard. I purchases 50 sacks and 
getting it a quarter of a dollar a sack cheaper afloat than on 
shore, I preferred taking it from on board the Chilian vessel, as 
I could put in on board the Trinidad Steamer from my boat easier 
and cheaper than by dray from shore. 80 They gave me the wrong 
direction from the ship and when you have to hunt among four 
or five hundred it is a slow business. Was detained so late that 
when I returned and started out to take in 2500 lbs of seed po- 
tatoes from another vessel on my way to the ranch I could not 
get them as the hands on board said they would not work after 
dark. So I had to return and am again endeavoring to chat with 
you. Must start before day to save the tide, which is everything 
almost with me in these unpleasant excursions by water. For 
two nights past I have slept none and tonight feel very tired and 
sleepy indeed, so Mama and my dear little girl will excuse me 
until I get home. I must not forget to write to little Betty Every 
Time as she sends me such good letters every time her dear Mama 
writes. May our ever kind and merciful Heavenly Father who 
has watched over, provided and kept us all safe during the past 
year, preserve and keep us still, enabling us to live (if not in the 
enjoyment of each other's Presence) near to Him, commending 
our dearest interests to Him and continually remembering that 
it is His Infinite love and mercy alone which can guard and 
keep us while separated, prepare us for usefulness in this life 
if permitted to meet again, and for happiness, peace and joy 
both here and hereafter— Good Night, Good Night, dearest 

At Ranch again, May 11th. I reached home on Saturday eve- 
ning, my dear, a week ago being out all night as it seems I am 
destined to be whenever I go or return from the town. The fog 
was so dense when we were coming up that we could not find 
the mouth of the creek and were running about in Pablo bay 81 in 
search of it from 9 or 10 p.m. until day break and the flees kept 
us awake all night after writing you a few lines at the commence- 
ment of this letter, when I reached home I was nearly "used up", 
being four days without an hour of sound sleep altogether. 

Could I but find you here on reaching home jaded and de- 
pressed, how happy would be my lot compared with the present, 
and how would my drooping spirits revive. 

80 Flour could be purchased for his store cheaper on board vessels than 
on the shore. 

81 Reuben's vessel was caught in a fog in the San Pablo Bay. 

Reuben Knox Letters 405 

May 12th. After commencing a line to you yesterday and pro- 
ceding this far, I was interrupted by the call of three gentlemen 
from one ranch 5 miles distant, two from another so that I had 
no more time to devote to you. Dr. Wells has his family here 
near San Raphael 82 and is quite anxious to have some neighbors. 
They all appear very kind and social, he having called twice be- 
fore to see me while I was at the city. 

We have news of another awful fire in San Francisco, more 
destructive than All that have heretofore occurred there, laying 
waste All The Business part of the City, and as usual with 
me here, I came in for a share, about two thousand dollars worth 
of goods being stored in the basement of the store we occupied 
while in business there which burned down, but I have enough 
to think about here and enough work to do so I will not bother 
about that. 83 

Our vegetables look nicely. Beets and the like outgrow any- 
thing I ever saw, and should they continue to do so through the 
season must attain an enormous size. Your sweet pumpkin seed 
are up and the other seed All Up too except the lettuce, as one 
of the hands during my absence Pulled All Up except that for 
weeds. Please send me a little more Palatine seed 84 and I will 
sow it in the fall, guarding it more carefully. 

Henry and Joseph often speak of you and the children and 
wish you here. They send a great deal of love to all. Cousin 
Richard and Reuben also wish me to do so when I write. 

I heard while in the city last that Romeo had gone off on some 
vessel. Good riddance to the ungrateful little wretch. Sarah is 
married and think I told you. No news from George since he 
left on the British ship Antelope. Hunter, Lewis and Fred are 
still here. 85 Two men I had hired for the season at $45 per 
month, are about leaving me as they think (rightly too) that 
wages will be much higher in San. F. in consequence of the fire. 
I fear the farm will suffer much as I wanted to hire more and 
intended to do so. The wild oats are now fit to cut and they make 
the best hay. I presume 5,000 tons might be cut upon this ranch 
even after the cattle and horses had eaten and destroyed all they 
could. But I must be out at work for the present and say good- 
bye to Mamma, dear little Betty and Buddy too. 

82 San Raphael was in Marin County near San Francisco. 

83 He was referring here to one of the many San Francisco fires. 

84 "Palatine seed" possibly refers to a type of seed packaged commercially 
by seed houses of the period. 

85 Here Knox refers to former slaves who had left his service for more 
lucrative occupations, 

406 The North Carolina Historical Review 

San Frisco May 14th. 
My dear Eliza, 

I sit down in pleasant quarters to scribble this time by the side 
of "Cousin Ellen", having just turned aside from the dinner 
table without leaving my seat, the clock pointing to 5, as it 
ticks upon the Chinese writing desk at which I am seated, and 
first of all I must tell you that your consoling letter of the 1st 
and 10th of March came to hand just in the nick of time, inspir- 
ing me with hope and cheering my spirits when they MIGHT 
despond, if so frequent ocurrences of losses had not taught me 
the folly of so doing. 

The recent fire of which you will see awful accounts in the 
accompanying paper assisted me in the disposal of goods which 
cost at least two thousand dollars, to which the expense of getting 
here, interest on the first cost, etc., may be added. One thing 
among those disposed of in the wholesale way I shall miss very 
much as I had intended to put it in operation at the ranch where 
it might have been made very profitable, viz the circular saw 
mill. 86 But burnt goods being as surely gone as drowned mules, 
I think crying or grieving after either will never bring them 
back, so Following Your Good Advice, I shall do neither. In 
You I Possess Such A Treasure that pecuniary disappointment 
shall no more give rise to despondency, — that is if I can help it, 
and having taken such Impressive lessons, and attended so fine a 
school for this purpose during the past twelve months, I think 
I Ought to be Proficient in this branch ere long. What say you? 

No news since my last from Frank or Cousin R., as the Com. 
Preble by which they would write was wrecked on her way 
down. 87 1 shipped goods to them by her, and Cousin Richard was 
to have sent me remittance on her return, which he probably did, 
and as the contents of the office lie buried in the sand there, 
Some one may find "rich diggings" equal to the Gold Bluff if 
J do not find what he has soon. 

One thing now appears pretty certain. I shall be in no danger 
of getting hold of Much "Missouri counterfeit money" 88 for the 
best of all reasons that I shall have but little to purchase it with, 
but if that little is sufficient to enable me to get a glimpse of 
my dear wife and children once more, we'll endeavor to "attend 
school" together hereafter, so that ALL may have the benefit of 
these Salutary Lessons. 

86 The fire burned a circular saw belonging to Knox. 

87 The "Com. Preble" was Knox's abbreviation for the vessel, "Commodore 

88 "Missouri counterfeit money" was an expression given money issued at 
one time in Missouri which was of little value. 

Reuben Knox Letters 407 

I received a letter by this mail from brothers Elijah and Cur- 
tis, Cousin Samuel and William. Cousin Samuel says "I have not 
heard from Aunt Eliza directly for some months. Cousin Timothy 
reed a letter a few days since and says aunt and the children were 
well. I feel really ashamed of myself when I reflect that I have 
not written to Aunt since last August and know that a "cat and 
nine tails" might be justly applied to me for my remissness, etc., 
etc." He says also near the close of his letter that "I should be 
very happy to have your family come and pass the summer with 
me in Springfield if it would be agreeable to them. I fully 
appreciate the many kindnesses I have ever experienced from 
you and your most estimable wife, and it will always afford me 
the highest pleasure to contribute to the utmost of my power 
to the happiness of you and yours". I do not know my dear wife 
that I can suggest anything more relative to your future "divi- 
sion of time". My brothers both hope to receive a visit from you 
and I know that Cousin S. is sincere in his proffers, and should 
you spend a part or even all the summer there and even "give 
them some trouble", which you ever dread so much, I should feel 
no reluctance at all in having you do so, as it is only repaying the 
Interest on the Principal furnished him many years ago, and 
for which he has ever been truly grateful. Your dear Sister again 
insists upon your spending a long time with her in Washington 
and no doubt you would be happy in so doing. (I'm Always 
happy near her) , so I leave the whole matter entirely to your- 
self to exercise your own choice in the matter, only requiring of 
you a Pledge of your whereabouts in due time for me to meet 
you without delay. 

You know that letters are many weeks on the way, and as you 
say that those mailed here reach you more quickly than those 
sent by individuals in N. C, I will surely place all future ones 
in the P. Office. 89 My "heart cheerers" average about two months 
from the time they leave your hands and most of my acquaint- 
ance reach home in from 35 to 40 days, so that I supposed there 
would be less delay by private conveyance than by mail. We 
are shortly promised a weekly mail and in a month and a half 
the postage will be reduced, So You Can Write Me Oftener, 
your letters if not in time for the N. York Steamer, only being 
delayed there one week instead of two as now. 

I am truly sorry to hear that Mr. Barnes lost the package of 
letters I forwarded by him, some 7 or 8. but my 1st Dec. letter 
could not have been one of them, I am pretty sure, so You 
will have another disappointment. He is expected here daily. Do 
not give yourself so much uneasiness about my return by the 
"Knox refers to the San Francisco Post Office, 

408 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Isthmus 90 as I shall take every possible precaution and hope 
for the best. We are Ever Exposed to danger and were it not 
that an ever watchful Eye continually beholds us, and an Al- 
mighty arm underneath and around us to sustain and shield 
from harm, Infinite love and mercy directing and controlling 
all, Ever Knowing What Is Best And Doing All Things Well, 
we should Surely fall. Let us put our trust and place all our 
hopes in our Heavenly Father, and with our dear sister, of 
whom you speak, desire above all things else to be perfectly 
resigned to His will. We can then be happy Mid Reverses And 
Disappointments, and in no other way. 

It is now candlelight, my dear and my letter is not half 
finished, but I must leave the rest for the present. Give little 
Betty many thanks and sweet kisses for her good letter written 
just before she went to bed. Papa is very glad to hear that she 
loves to say her prayers both night and morning and hopes she 
will Ever Remember And Love To Do So. God loves Good little 
children who love to pray (to Him) , and always knows what they 
mean to say. He always sees and hears them too, and Remembers 
all they ask and do. This Is To Dear Little Betty. 

8V2 P.m. The Dr. and Mrs. F. after requesting me to assure 
you of their best wishes, sending much love and hoping they 
should still have the pleasure of meeting you here, have gone 
up stairs to chat with Gen. James Wilson, M.C., from N. Hamp- 
shire who was badly burned at the fire in endeavoring to save 
the property of a friend, and now occupying their chamber 
while they take the servant's room. He is doing well. Many, very 
many lost their lives. — hundreds their all, and one poor deluded 
man who had built a fine store and gotten it well filled with goods, 
on finding himself so suddenly reduced to poverty, shot his wife 
and then himself, I understand. What will poor human nature 
do, or Not do, when left to itself? Sad, Sad Indeed It Is for 
any one to place their affections entirely upon this world's goods. 
Dr. Foreguard lost a house which with the lot was bringing in 
a monthly rent of $1600. He has since leased the ground for 
$700 per month. 

Many hundred buildings are already under way and a few 
completed although the ruins are still smoking. The plank streets 
and sewers being so very dry and combustible are mostly con- 
sumed. Houses, streets, side walks, sewers and all being on fire 
at the same moment rendered the scene appalling in the extreme 
and then it spread with such frightful rapidity. 

I must start early in the morning and it is now time to leave 
my pleasant quarters. So good night, my dear wife, with a kiss 

90 His wife feared that the Isthmus trip was too dangerous. 

Reuben Knox Letters 409 

each night for my dear little darling daughter and her little 

How singular that I should be Dreaming and little Betty 
Talking about knowing each other. No, no, Papa will Never 
forget his little daughter, not to think of her and her dear Mama 
every hour If Not Every Moment, until he meets them once 
more — then we'll see each other and talk together and not have 
to Think, Think, Think all the time. Won't that be fine? Little 
daughter must tell me in her letter. Bye bye. I hardly know how 
or when to quit, but Must do so and Now. 

Your affectionate husband, 
Reuben Knox 

In an envelope postmarked "San Francisco 15 May.," and 
addressed to 

Mrs. Dr. R. Knox, 

°/o of James W. Bryan, Esq. 
New Bern, N. Carolina. 91 

Novato Ranch, May 18th, 1851 
My dear Wife. 

I am again seated in my lonely room at the east window to 
commune awhile with you and the dear little ones. Have read 
over your good letter again this morning, and hope it will enable 
me to pass through the week without a single Desponding 
thought, although they come upon me at times with a most 
crushing weight, I assure you, yet I have never given way to 
them any more than I could possibly help, and ever wish to 
drive them away. This I can never do Entirely until I have 
Your Presence to assist me. 

You hope I have secured the ranch which Frank gives such 
a glowing account of, etc. I have only rented it for the present 
season but have the preference over all others when it is ready 
for sale. 92 Capt. Simmons the owner, made an assignment last 
summer for the benefit of preferred creditors and those who 
were not included are endeavoring to break it up. Mr. Billings, 
one of the assigness and also his lawyer and brother-in-law 
says the case will not be finally disposed of before fall, if then. 
He appears anxious that I should have it and unless he has a 
much better bid from others will not dispose of it. Capt. S. held 
it at $80,000 dollars and it was assessed higher than that. The 
price the assignees have set upon it is $40,000, but I do not think 

Mrs. Knox was visiting in New Bern at this time. 

Dr. Knox was contemplating the purchase of another ranch at this time. 

410 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

over half of that could be had in cash for it now. The stock is 
worth from 12 to 15,000 here and would bring $40,000 at the 
east. I shall have no means of purchasing unless the crop succeeds 
well and my losses cease, but think that I could within two or 
three years realize $100,000 at least from it in case I purchase. 
A few months will decide the matter and none of us know what 
a few months or even a day may bring forth. I see no possible 
way not to retrieve my numerous and heavy losses in California, 
but to do it here, and I shall be perfectly contented, while it was 
necessary to remain, were you all here. I would not for a moment 
think of a Permanent abode so far away from all our relatives 
and friends, and my own business will compel my attendance in 
St. Louis in 1854, early in the season. 93 

I was interrupted here the day before yesterday, my dear, and 
now it is the anniversary of my departure from the Mo. River. 
Only to think 12 months have passed since we made the first 
campfire, and what scenes I have passed through during this 
time, and you too have had all the care of our dear little ones 
through sickness and health without my being permitted to share 
it with you. Be we are all in mercy spared and for this can never 
be sufficiently thankful. 

San Francisco, May 27th, Tuesday Morning. 

I had but a moment, as you see by the above line, when I sat 
down to console myself by writing to you, and was called out 
as usual to attend to the outdoor business, and now am here 
again. Started on Saturday morning and did not reach here until 
yesterday having run aground in quite a gale and being unable 
to get off for nearly 40 hours during which time the wind was 
blowing almost a hurricane, and we had no shelter, being in an 
open boat out in Pablo Bay, — The coldest day I have spent in 
the State was Sunday in that situation. Mr. James F. Graham 
was with me, he having gone up when I was down before. Came 
down for the purpose of going up again to Frank at Trinidad 94 
if he heard good news from him, but we are both disappointed 
as no letter from him has reached here yet. I reed a letter from 
Cousin Richard stating that he was hourly expected from the 
mines with the four mules he packed out two weeks previous. 
Mr. Graham will return with me today. Shall come down again 
in a week to hear from Franklin who will either dispose of his 
mules or if he likes the business and is doing well he will tell 
me so and I shall send him 10 or 12 [mules] by land, Mr. Gra- 

Reference is made here to the Knox property in St. Louis, Missouri. 
Trinidad was a small town in southeastern California. 

Reuben Knox Letters 411 

ham and Joseph taking them up. I hope, however, we shall soon 
all be at the ranch and I thereby relieved of a great deal of 
anxiety, care and trouble. This California life is a desperate one 
to make the best of it as we have been since arrival here. 

I Could Be Happy With You And All at the ranch and no 
other way. All continue perfectly well and Mr. Graham says 
Frank and Richard are so fat they can hardly find clothes large 
enough to wear. 

Spent last evening at Dr. Foreguard's with Gen. Wilson who 
has just come down stairs and is fast recovering from his severe 
burns at the late fire. He came very near losing his life in his 
effort to save the valuable contents of the banking house of an 
intimate friend, and only saved himself by his great presence of 
mind to hold his breath while he fell in the midst of the flames. 
The street where the burning coals and cinders were ankle deep 
he says. Perhaps I wrote you this in my last. He has promised 
to make me a visit and would go up today but is not well enough 
to bear the exposure. I left Dr. Tibbets up in our vicinity look- 
ing out for a location of good land. You ask what he has been 
doing, etc? What little he could by his profession and employing 
his money in trade with a friend. Has probably made his ex- 
penses. He and his wife both like the country and may settle 
here permanently. Mrs. Foreguard sends much love and from 
appearances will take her bed soon ; is in fine health and a great 
favorite here with all who know her. I am never there but she 
has many calls. Met the Post Master and his wife there yester- 
day, Mr. and Mrs. Moore from New Hampshire and old neighbors 
of Gen. Wilson, Mrs. Moore being the sister of the somewhat 
noted politician, Isaac Hill. 95 

But I cannot longer conceal from you, my dear wife, my un- 
happy condition at this time. I came here as much to be com- 
forted by the perusal of your letter as any thing else and no 
letter awaits me. Why it has failed I cannot tell. The mail came 
in a week ago today, and I am sure you have written as usual. 
Hope to get two by next mail which is the only way present 
disappointment can be remedied. 

I see by St. Louis papers that Judge Carr is dead, — also Larkin 
Deaver which I regret to hear. I am writing at Mr. Franklin's 
store who was one of the few who were not burned out, being 
four or five squares out from the land on [a] long wharf. The 
buildings and wharf were consumed nearly out to him. He is 
doing quite well. You probably have heard that his wife died in 
the east near Boston with consumption some months ago. 

96 Isaac Hill was a New Hampshire politician who had served in President 
Andrew Jackson's "Kitchen Cabinet." 

412 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I had hoped to write you more leisurely, my dear, this time, 
but really my time is so constantly occupied while here and at 
home that I can but catch up the pen by the moment and for 
the moment, not knowing how long I can continue. We are 
much in want of hands to cut hay, etc., and I have been out 
since I commenced this page trudging over half the city trying 
to hire. Have two who have promised to go up with us, but it 
is quite uncertain whether they will. The wild oats and hay are 
quite abundant there, and I could easily find many hundred 
tons very convenient to the landing that the horses and cattle 
have left after getting their daily supplies. This is the best kind 
of hay and sells readily at 100 dollars per ton, but so many are 
cutting that the price may be very low before I can get any in 

I reed another letter from Cousin Richard today which he 
sent by the Com. Preble which was wrecked. He is still more 
anxious to close up business at Trinidad and come to the ranch 
than when he wrote before and thinks Franklin will probably 
be equally anxious as provisions are selling so much lower at 
the mines than when he started. I shall hear from both when 
here next week and will write you particulars. Dr. Franklin 
writes him that they have a young Richard 3rd, (you know 
Cousin R. was named after his mother's brother Richard Fowler 
which they think is about to become the Strongest Man. All 
well here. Dr. F. active as editor of the Intelligence during 
Mr. Crocket's attendance in Jefferson as a member of the legis- 
lature. 96 George R. Rudd has now become the proprietor of that 
paper, having purchased Mr. Gratman's interest. I hope he will 
do well. He was city comptroller last year if you recollect. 

Henry commenced a letter to you but was suddenly called 
off and I left as suddenly while he was engaged with the horses, 
that I send it as he left it, making use of it as my second 
sheet in case I find time today to write any more. Must write 
to Richard and Franklin and shall be compelled to defer writing 
to St. Louis or William until next mail. 

I am anxious to hear from our dear Sister Susan as the month 
of February has so long passed and hope your next will contain 
the good news that "all is well." I wrote to Mr. Graham some 
months ago making some inquiries about the office of Register 
of Lands, 97 etc. here for Franklin, which is the letter to which 
Sister Susan alludes, I presume. Have not heard from him since 

98 The town of "Jefferson" referred to here may have been in Missouri. 
There is no available record of a newspaper, the Intelligence, having been 
published there in 1851. 

w Dr. Knox hoped Secretary of the Navy Graham could secure this posi- 
tion, Register of Lands, for Franklin. 

Reuben Knox Letters 413 

and I never mentioned anything about it to Franklin, intending 
to surprise him with it if successful. In the same letter I half 
in joke and half earnest alluded to one for myself which I should 
not have done at all if I had heard what you since have told 
me, that he thought of trying to procure the office of overseer 
of the mines for me, or proposing me to the President for it. 98 
I mentioned it to Cousin Richard at the time and no one else. In 
his letter today he still urges me to try and procure the appoint- 
ment for him, and says he thinks he would be pleased with it 
from some casual remark of his (Richard's) in alluding to 
appointments. Should land offices be established here, surveys, 
etc., around the office would be worth from 3 to 6,000 dollars 
per annum, I think and Frank would be as well qualified as 
anyone I know to fill the office and far better than one in a 
hundred who would be likely to receive it. 

James F. Bryan has applied for a place in the surveying de- 
partment, and I hope will succeed as he is a very modest worthy 
young man. Has done nothing yet. Had the prospect of getting 
a situation as clerk in the custom house, but all was confusion 
after its destruction by the fire and he failed. He intends to 
remain in the country until successful in some undertaking. 
Many, very many, are leaving on every steamer and many com- 
ing too by the Trumpeer and Constitution last week, — many 
ladies among them." I mention now what I did not tell you 
before I think about the above application for Franklin not that 
I expect anything in reality, as all efforts to get a fair start 
at anything for him or me thus far have failed. 

You frequently allude very flatteringly my dear wife to my 
professional ability and express the desire that I should not 
abandon it. I would not willingly do it is worse than useless 
to make any effort here at present and at the ranch there is not 
sickness enough in a circuit of 20 miles to afford salt for our 
bread. Should we return to St. Louis I would most cheerfully and 
gladly attend such families as I could name who might wish for 
and appreciate my services, but to engage in the barter and low 
intrigue so universally resorted to there by most of the pro- 
fession I cannot, and never intend to hold myself subject to 
the call of every scamp whose only object is to get well and then 
cheat you out of a fee. If I cannot get decent pay I will do no 
more of the hard work of this kind or elsewhere. Had rather 

88 Knox had obviously asked Graham, half in jest, to secure an appointment 
for him to serve as mining inspector. Millard Fillmore was President of 
the United States at this time. 

"He comments here on the coming and going of people by ship to and 
from California. 

414 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ten to one follow the plow or use the axe or hoe from morning 
until night while I am able and be quiet with you and those we 
so tenderly love the rest of the time. I love my profession and 
once thought I would never attend to anything else and nothing 
but the yearly increasing fatigue attending it in Carolina and 
the desire that my (then young) children should have better 
advantages, where they could be At Home and not off at board- 
ing schools, could ever have induced me to break up the many 
endearing associations growing out of my practice there. I never 
expect to feel so much attached for any other place of abode or 
set of people. 100 

The weather is quite cool here so that my fingers are a little 
stiff as I write, the winds being so very chilly and constant from 
ten to eleven in the morning until sunset. 

Cousin Richard sends love to you in each of his letters, and 
the boys all wish me ever to do the same when I write. Joseph 
intended to write you by this mail but was busy and did not 
get started in time to do so. They send much love also to their 
good little sister and brother, and I have no more time to tell 
my darling little daughter that Pa has felt very bad that the 
steamboat did not bring him her letter, and to tell her how very 
much he loves her — cannot tell how much, but he thinks a great 
many hundred thousand dollars for her "thousand". 

I hope this will find all well and that dear Mama and the good 
little daughter will write a good long letter to papa as soon as 
they receive this, and never fail to write by every mail. 

I am closing this letter my dear on board the steam boat 
Buncia commanded by Captain Hight who lived in one of our 
houses on 10th street and left without paying. 101 Cannot get a 
cent of the hundred dollars he owes me. Our little boat lies near 
and the wind blows so hard I shall not leave until it abates and 
remain on board the Buncia in a warm berth until that time. 

I write by a miserable light in the cabin and cannot see 
whether I make a mark half of the time or not. Perhaps you can 
by day light. My eyes, by the way are actually failing as I 
cannot read fine print by candle light with any ease. The mani- 
pulations do not succeed although I have not resorted to the 
use of glasses I brought with me. 

Mr. Jamison is here, relative of the Rev. Mr. Jamison whom 
you may recollect meeting in Raleigh, whose grave we passed 
near Fort Laramie and tells me a sad tale of woe his wife has 
passed through since she left (the spouse) losing her husband 
on the plains and three grown sons since they arrived here, the 

100 There is definite evidence of Knox's homesickness in this letter. 

101 Knox is again referring to his property in St. Louis. 

Reuben Knox Letters 415 

last a physician living in Sacramento. She is now left with one 
son and a young daughter, keeping a few cows which the rela- 
tive with me furnished her and selling milk until she can realize 
enough to take them back. 

The trying scenes I shall ever have in such fresh remembrance 
occurring on the plains. Such desolate separations of husband 
and wife are all brought most vividly to mind, and I can but 
hope this may never be repeated or witnessed by any one. 

Joseph appears to be getting homesick and unless Franklin 
returns soon, I think will be petitioning to go home with me. He 
and Henry have heretofore signified that they were willing to 
remain as long as I thought best. Can only tell what we shall 
all do when time reveals the secret of my further failure or first 
success. 102 Mr. Smith, the brick layer, who lived in the row, has 
been in but a few weeks, although he and his company started 
before me. They have been out all winter, four of their number 
being killed by the Indians soon after they reached the extreme 

The Indian Commissioners have not yet completed their labors 
and I fear will not accomplish what all desired. So many villinous 
whites are maddening them with liquor and then killing them for 
their drunken acts that new difficulties will frequently arise 
unless this can be prevented. But I fear you cannot decipher this 
and as all are going to bed, I must tell you good night, my dear 
Eliza, with many kisses for Little Betty and Gussa. 

Bye-bye dearest ones and may your rest be sweet and quiet, 
whatever mine may be. Love to all, 

Yr. affectionate husband, 
R. Knox. 103 

( Last letter from Reuben. He was drowned on the evening of 
May 28, 1851.) 

Two final letters of a son and nephew telling of the fate of his 

Novato Ranch, Feby 24, 1852 
My dear Frank, 

As I promised you when you left to keep you somewhat in- 
formed in relation to the progress of events here, particularly 
in relation to the Ranch particularly, I will attempt to do so by 
smuggling this into Joe's letter. 

** This would indicate that the venture was steadily losing money. 

103 This was the last letter written by Knox before his untimely drowning. 

416 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Since you left, I have not had an idle moment except a few 
rainy days at the commencement of the year, having attempted 
the plowing of all the old land, and fencing in and breaking 
up about 50 acres adjoining the old field on the west. We have 
had a most remarkable time thus far, having had no rain to 
speak of for six or seven weeks. About one week will finish our 
plowing when we shall commence sowing. 

The law suit about the ranch is at last decided and in favour 
of the assignees, who now talk of disposing of it in the course 
of some three or four months. They have hit on no plan as yet, 
though they speak of cutting it up and dividing into several 
tracts, thinking it will bring more. What they may finally decide 
on is quite uncertain. 104 

At any rate I am here for this year certain and it may so turn 
up that I can stay longer. I commence tomorrow taking my hay 
to market. The price is yet very low, and I now think there is 
but little hope of its getting much higher. I hope to cut con- 
siderable hay this season. The oats are very forward and will be 
ready to cut by the 1st of May and perhaps in April. 

Joe is still with me and has been very steady at work since 
he commenced in Jan., and is the best ox driver in these parts. 
Tell Henry the old white spotted ox is now as gentle as a kitten. 
Last year twas almost equal to the daring of a bull fight to yoke 

I shall expect occasionally a letter from you and Henry and 
hope you both may find time to send a line semi-occasionally 
or oftener. I should write oftener but for the business matters 
continually upon me. After about a month I hope for a spell of 
comparative leisure, when my grain is all in, fences up, and all 
in order, until grass cutting comes on. From then till after har- 
vest I look for no leisure. I hope we may have a favorable season 
and that I may this year make something to repair previous 
heavy losses. 

I should write to aunt oftener, but suppose Joseph tells all 
the news from time to time. Give love to her and Henry with 
two kisses for Betty and many for little bub. 

Yours truly, R. F. Knox. 

( This is perhaps Reuben's nephew and namesake, referred to 
by Reuben all through his letters. ) 

104 The holders of the mortgage on his ranch were planning to divide the 
acreage into smaller plots. 

Reuben Knox Letters 417 

(From Joseph, still operating ranch) 

Novato Ranch, May 17th 1856 
My dear Mother, 

I have received your letter of March 19th enclosing check for 
$500, and hereby acknowledge receipt of the same. I had written 
to you by the mail before your letter arrived, acknowledging the 
receipt from Cousin Samuel of a check for $1,000, making in 
all $1500. In my last letter I wrote requesting you to send me 
the balance of the $5,000 if you could do so at present. In that 
letter I also informed you that I had purchased stock 105 with the 
money you had sent me. 

I am living on the Novato Ranch now, engaged in taking care 
of my stock and the Ranch. I have made no definite arrange- 
ments yet with the owners of the Ranch, as to the length of time 
that I shall remain here, but shall probably make arrangements 
to stay here five years or more. This I think is the best and most 
advantageous arrangement that I can make for myself, and all 
of my friends agree in thinking so too. I have already been 
offered an advance of $500 upon the price which I originally 
paid for the stock, but do not wish to sell at present. 

I have the privilege also from the owners of the Ranch of 
cultivating as much land as I wish. I arrived here too late this 
year to plant anything but shall do so if I remain another year. 

Brother Henry graduates this year I believe. Does he intend 
to study Law? If so, where and with whom? I am glad indeed 
to hear that William is getting along so well and hope that his 
professional business may increase rapidly. I should like very 
much to see his wife and spend a short time with them both, but 
cannot say when that will be. My Rock Island friends I hope 
are all well, please remember me to Uncle and Aunt when you 
visit Rock Island, 106 and also to my numberless young cousins. 

I have enjoyed good health in California, and am very well 
contented with my stiuation and were it not for the thought of 
friends and the "old folks at home" which ever keep crowding 
upon me, I should be content to make this my home. But I hope 
that we shall meet again and that before many years. 

Dr. and Mrs. Foreguard have moved to Sacramento. Cousin 
Richard and Israel are both well, and are doing [a] prosperous 

106 The word "stock" here refers to livestock. 
108 Rock Island, Illinois. 

418 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Tell Betty that she must study and learn to write soon as I 
want to get a letter from home. Gus, I suppose is a fine large 
boy by this time, and a good boy also. 

I will write to you again in a short time and hope to hear from 
yourself and the boys frequently. 

Your aff ct Son 
Jos. A. Knox. 


James Forte, a 17th Century Settlement, possibly pre-1625, from 
the earliest known map of the Cape Fear River, the John 
Locke sketch of the Shapeley Map of the Cape Fear River, 
1662, together with the Lancaster Map of the Cape River, 
1679, and the Hilton Pamphlet, 1664, printed from the origi- 
nals. An enigma presented in booklet form. By Cornelius M. D. 
Thomas. (Wilmington: J. E. Hicks, 1959. Pp. 59. $5.00.) 

A review of this work perforce must begin in the vein of 
the old settler asked for directions for reaching some point in 
the neighborhood. After several fruitless questions he finally 
broke out with: "Well, you just can't get there from here. 
You will have to cross the river and start from there." There 
is little in the booklet that fits into the conventional picture 
of early Cape Fear history. Yet the very existence of these 
fugitive bits of historical evidence points to the possibility 
that the conventional picture is not complete. The editor has 
literally leaned over backward in his effort to avoid bending 
forward into an exaggeration of his double-edged thesis. 
Briefly stated, it is that there were certainly short and in- 
effectual visits of English explorers in the Cape Fear region 
before 1663. Granted that much, it is legitimate to conjecture 
that a fort could have been built early enough to have been 
named for James I before the end of his reign in 1625. The 
question of the most likely location had best be left to those 
who know something of the lay of the land below Wilmington 
and the maze of seventeenth-century maps of the Atlantic 
Coast. Mr. Thomas has certainly built a reasonable hypothesis 
on the basis of the materials here presented. 

Paul Murray. 
East Carolina College. 


420 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Old South Illustrated. By Porte Crayon. Edited by Cecil D. 
Eby, Jr. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press. 1959. Pp. xxi, 296. Illustrations. $6.00.) 

In the 1850's, David Hunter Strother, under the pen name 
of Porte Crayon, entertained readers of Harpers New Month- 
ly Magazine with a series of illustrated essays on travels in 
Virginia (including what is now West Virginia), North Car- 
olina, and Tennessee. One series, Virginia Illustrated, was 
republished twice in book form, but the other essays remained 
hidden in the yellowing pages of Harper s until Cecil D. 
Eby, Jr., resurrected portions of them for publication in the 
volume under review. 

A native of Martinsburg, in what now is West Virginia, 
Porte Crayon was a witty and widely read writer-artist of 
his day. His career coincided with the era of wood engrav- 
ings, and character sketches of the people with whom he 
came in contact in his journeys throughout the East became 
his favorite subjects. 

Of particular interest to North Carolinians will be selec- 
tions from "North Carolina Illustrated." One essay delight- 
fully describes Crayon's travels in the Albemarle area with 
special attention to fishermen at Edenton. Another describes 
his impressions on a journey through Plymouth, Williamston, 
Washington, Greenville, Goldsboro, and Raleigh. A third 
describes his travel to the Greensboro area— which Crayon 
called the "best portion of the State." In "A Winter in the 
South," Crayon carries the reader through the mountains 
where, at Bakersville, he found that the "only public build- 
ings worthy of note are an apple-jack distillery . . . and a 
spring-house, covering a fountain of cool, pure water, which 
has no commercial value, although some persons affect to 
prefer it to the former as a beverage." 

Each selection is profusely illustrated. Crayon is at his best 
when he pictures the Negro and the backwoodsman. His 
dialogue, however, never quite rings true. 

Historians, both laymen and professional, will find this 
attractive book delightful and leisure reading. 

H. G. Jones. 

State Department of Archives and History. 

Book Reviews 421 

Messages of the Governors of Tennessee. Volume V, 1857-1869. 
Edited by Robert H. White. (Nashville: The Tennessee His- 
torical Commission. 1959. Pp. vi, 728. $4.00.) 

The plan of this series is to record the accomplishments 
of Tennessee's Executive Department, as revealed in the gov- 
ernors' messages to the legislature, from the beginning of 
statehood to the present time. The first volume was published 
in 1952, and it is estimated that a minimum of ten volumes 
will be required to complete the project. This, the fifth, 
volume covers the administrations of Isham G. Harris, 1857- 
1862, and William G. Brownlow, 1865-1869. 

Controversy and conflict comprise the major portions of 
this volume. The first half portrays the significant steps lead- 
ing to the withdrawal of Tenessee from the Union, while 
the latter half deals with the events of Reconstruction which 
increased and intensified the hostilities engendered by four 
years of war. Contrasts in character and attitude toward the 
war as displayed by Harris and Brownlow are brought into 
sharp focus, as are also the bitter clashes that occurred in 
legislative sessions, especially during the hate-ridden years 
of the Brownlow regime. The years covered by this volume 
also represent a traditional period in Tennessee's economy 
wherein slavery as a labor system and plantation life as an 
ideal were terminated but not yet replaced by the industrial 
program that would gradually develop in the State during the 
latter part of the nineteenth century. 

As in the earlier volumes, the editor has supplied much 
additional material of a documentary nature and many com- 
ments and explanatory notes as a means of analyzing and 
interpreting the contents of the executive messages and the 
legislative responses to these matters. Biographical sketches 
of Harris and Brownlow are included along with a chapter 
conveniently summarizing the interlude, March, 1862-March, 
1865, when Andrew Johnson served as military governor but 
sent no messages to the legislature because no session of that 
body was held during his tenure of office. 

Robert White is thoroughly conversant with the history 
of his native State and long-experienced in writing about it. 

422 The North Carolina Historical Review 

He has continued to demonstrate in this volume the same 
broad knowledge and mature judgment which have char- 
acterized his work on the earlier volumes and which will un- 
doubtedly make this series when completed a vast and valu- 
able storehouse of source material extending over the whole 
range of Tennessee history. 

James W. Patton. 
The University of North Carolina. 

History of Blount County, Tennessee ; from War Trail to Land- 
ing Strip, 1795-1955. By Inez E. Burns. (Maryville: Mary 
Blount Chapter Daughters of the American Revolution and 
the Tennessee Historical Commission. 1957. Pp. vii, 375. Illus- 

Nearly two decades ago the Tennessee Historical Com- 
mission announced its highly laudatory plans of assisting 
substantially in the publication of well prepared and worthy 
county histories. More than a dozen such histories have 
appeared, and more are in preparation. Now comes Inez E. 
Burns' well written History of Blount County, Tennessee, 
which, among the published county histories of the State 
stands second to none. 

This East Tennessee county has had a rich history, and 
the author has chronicled it completely and succinctly from 
the days of the Indian war trails to the more recently estab- 
lished McGhee Tyson Air Field. Tennessee became a State 
in 1796, but for more than one hundred years before that 
date traders and adventurers from North Carolina, Virginia, 
and South Carolina were in and out of the area later to be- 
come Blount County. The legislature of North Carolina had 
created Knox County in 1792, and three years later Blount 
was carved from Knox and named for Territorial Governor 
William Blount. 

After discussing in the first two chapters "The Pre-settle- 
ment Period," and "The Settlement Period," the author fol- 
lows a topical approach and discusses such subjects as "Early 
Inns and Watering Places," churches, schools, government, 

Book Reviews 423 

courts, and industrial and commercial development. Miss 
Burns has prepared an appendix of forty pages which includes 
hundreds of names; this portion of the book, together with an 
index of more than forty pages, should be of considerable 
interest to genealogists. 

The method of citation and the lack of consistency in foot- 
note form are somewhat confusing. This fact, however, should 
not detract from the worth of the volume; it deserves a place 
in the libraries of all who are interested in state and local 

Robert E. Corlew. 

Middle Tennessee State College. 

Stonewall Jackson : The Legend and the Man to Valley V, Volume 

I. Stonewall Jackson : Seven Days to the Last March, Volume 

II. By Lenoir Chambers. (New York: William Morrow and 
Company. 1959. Pp. ix, 597 [Volume I]. Maps. Pp. viii, 536 
[Volume II]. Appendices, references, maps, principal manu- 
script sources, short title index, and index. $20.00 for the two 

Although several biographies of Thomas Jonathan Jackson 
have been published, such a complex and contradictory his- 
torical personality is attractive to biographical writers. For 
more than a generation G. F. R. Henderson's classic biogra- 
phy was considered definitive. Both amateur and professional 
writers have more recently written excellent books on this 
unusual man. In 1957 Frank Vandiver's biography, about 
half the length of Mr. Chambers' book, was heralded as a 
valuable contribution to the understanding of Jackson, espe- 
cially the formative years of the man. 

As contrasted with these two previously published biogra- 
phies, the present book has some merits of its own. The author 
has made use of many books on the War Between the States 
which were not available when Colonel Henderson wrote so 
soon after the war in which Jackson lost his life. Therefore 
Chambers presents a more balanced, impartial, and judicious 
account of Jackson's military genius than was possible when 
Henderson wrote. Using twice as many pages to present his 

424 The North Carolina Historical Review 

subject as did Vandiver, Chambers has given to the reader 
many interesting details about several episodes in Jackson's 
life. Moreover, where Vandiver at times permitted his 
sympathy for his subject to color his treatment— i.e. in Jack- 
son's unmilitary attitude and lack of disciplinary respect for 
the officer in charge during the Seminole War in Florida— 
the present author has avoided this pitfall. Chambers, who is 
editor of a Norfolk newspaper, has been satisfied to present 
the facts and to permit the reader to make his own con- 

From a very poor early environment Tom Jackson even- 
tually went to West Point. He seemed destined for a life in 
the army. After participating in the Mexican War in which 
he won promising recognition, and in the Seminole War in 
Florida, in which he revealed a defective military trait of 
gossiping about a higher officer, Jackson resigned from the 
army in disgust. He became a professor in the Virginia Mili- 
tary Institute, exchanging the dullness of an army career for 
the drabness of the classroom. Jackson's genius was not 
revealed until he became Robert E. Lee's associate on the 
battlefields of Virginia in 1861. Within two years he was dead, 
shot accidentally by his own men. Within that brief time he 
challenged, fought, and defeated Federal generals, one after 
another, as they tried to invade Virginia. They learned to 
fear Jackson as they did no other Confederate leader. 

Both the author and the publisher of this biography are to 
be congratulated upon a task well done. For the present 
generation, certainly, this is the definitive book on Stonewall 

George Osborn. 

University of Florida. 

The Stephen Foster Story : A Symphonic Drama. By Paul Green. 
(New York: Samuel French, Inc. 1960. Pp. 107. Introduction, 
characters, program, cast, and staff.) 

Paul Green's inimitable touch is once more apparent in 
"The Stephen Foster Story." Although the drama deals mainly 

Book Reviews 425 

with the young Foster, the background of home, friends, and 
the land enriches our understanding of the artist as well as 
the man. The story of Stephen and his Jeanie unfolds with 
all of its tragedy and its beauty, culminating in the traditional 
"happy ending' that we know is all too swift in passing. "So 
it is men dream . . .," Stephen says to Jeanie, and Foster was 
above all else a dreamer. 

Stephen's moods, his desperate need for love and encour- 
agement are simply presented against the songs which have 
made him famous. Paul Green shows a keen awareness of the 
individuals in Foster's life, and his expert intermingling of 
the familiar, the commonplace, and the complex factors that 
moved Foster to write music, is a joy to read. While certain 
historical liberties have been taken, they have not been in- 
consistent with either the man or his time. For example, the 
Minstrel Show scene recreates for the reader a colorful and 
interesting part of theater history. Throughout the play events 
that are a part of our heritage spring to life. 

This drama is a worthy contribution to Paul Green's posi- 
tion as the outstanding creator of symphonic drama. Warm 
touches of humor, pathos, a bit of home-spun philosophy ( in 
word and song), and Green's own flare for the poetic line, 
all make "The Stephen Foster Story" a fitting tribute to one 
of America's great songwriters. 

Martha Pingel. 
Colorado Woman's College. 

Kate: The Journal of a Confederate Nurse. By Kate Cumming. 
Edited by Richard Barksdale Harwell. (Baton Rouge: Louis- 
iana State University Press. 1959. Pp. xx, 321. Introductions, 
index, and illustrations. $6.00.) 

This well-edited source of the Confederate medical service 
is another addition to the growing list of outstanding volumes 
in the field of Civil War history published by the Louisiana 
State University Press. Written by a courageous and defiant 
lady and published first in 1866, this journal is in many re- 

426 The North Carolina Historical Review 

spects the most revealing personal narrative of life in the 
general hospitals of the beleaguered Confederacy. Publica- 
tion of the journal so soon after the war was due in part to 
Miss Cumming's hope that her account would go far to refute 
post-war charges of cruel treatment suffered by Northern 
prisoners at the hands of their captors during the conflict. "If 
your prisoners suffered," she explained to the people of the 
North, "it was from force of circumstances, and not with 

A native of Scotland, Kate (Humming lived with her family 
in Mobile from an early age until she left a comfortable home 
while the guns of Shiloh were firing to help nurse the Army 
of Tennessee's sick and wounded. She rendered devoted and 
competent service from that time until the end of the conflict 
in various hospitals that served this army as they moved 
southward with surprising mobility behind the military lines. 
Her post-war years were spent in Mobile and Birmingham. 

It is somewhat difficult to reconcile the usual glowing 
accounts of the heroic role played by southern women in the 
war with Miss Cumming's measured indictment of her sex 
after Appomattox: "Not for one moment w 7 ould I say that 
there are no women in the South who have nobly done their 
duty, although there was an adverse current, strong enough 
to carry all with it." As to the victorious enemy, she expressed 
amazement at the bravery exhibited by Northern soldiers and 
was mystified over the outcome when the end came. "Why 
the enemy were permitted to work their fiendish purposes," 
she wrote, "is still in oblivion. The unfolding future will lift 
the vail which is enveloping us, and then, I trust, all shall be 

All in all, Kate is the story of an exceptional lady and her 
experiences and observations in a most unusual wartime 

H. H. Cunningham. 

Elon College. 

Book Reviews 427 

Education in the South. Institute of Southern Culture Lectures 
at Longwood College, 1959. Edited by R. C. Simonini, Jr. 
(Richmond, Va. : The Cavalier Press. 1959. Pp. 119. $2.00.) 

The Institute of Southern Culture, founded for the purpose 
of promoting the study of traditional aspects of Southern 
Civilization through academic course work, special lectures, 
and publication of research in the field, was established at 
Longwood College, Farmville, Virginia, in 1956. This book 
contains the 1959 lectures of the Institute delivered at Long- 
wood College in recognition of the 75th anniversary of the 
college as Virginia's first State institution of higher learning 
for women. These six lectures on various aspects of education 
in the South were delivered by people eminently qualified 
in their chosen areas, background, training, and point of view. 

A brief survey of the scope of material in the book reveals a 
wide variety of subject matter and diversity of treatment. 
In the first lecture, "The Civil War Comes to the Campus," 
the author points out vividly that the Civil War came to the 
campus with vengeance, violence, and fury, shaking the in- 
stitution to its foundations. The lecturer relates how the 
work of many years was destroyed and how the post-war 
generation was bequeathed a ruined educational system. In 
another lecture entitled, "The Southern Bourbon," the author, 
describing the Bourbon as the entrepreneur who brought in- 
dustry to the South, points out that the enterprising spirit 
of the Southern Bourbon has continued to exist and is now in 
the midst of a great awakening. The fact that every southern 
town must have its factory is cited as proof that the South 
has turned wholeheartedly to entrepreneuring. In a third 
lecture the author presents the southern reaction to the 
Ogden Movement. This movement was started prior to 1900 
to combine southern efforts and northern money to create a 
philosophy of redemption of the South through philanthropy. 
Robert C. Ogden, a wealthy merchant capitalist, led the 
movement for thirteen years. Reaction of southern people 
was varied all the way from the overly optimistic to the equal- 
ly pessimistic. The lecturer concludes that the movement 
had a great deal of influence in the southern educational 

428 The North Carolina Historical Review 

awakening in the 1900's. Factors in Virginia's educational 
development are described in a fourth lecture. Some of the 
conspicuous steps of the development are presented with 
considerable attention going to Longwood College and its 
part in Virginia's educational progress. 

This brief summary is indicative of the wealth of informa- 
tion contained in the pages of this book. Each lecture is well 
organized, shows evidence of the use of available source 
materials, and is very readable in style. 

J. P. Freeman. 


The Negro Vanguard. By Richard Bardolph. (New York: Rine- 
hart and Company, Inc. 1959. Pp. iii, 388. $6.95.) 

In The Negro Vanguard Professor Richard Bardolph deals 
with a new variant of Negro history, an analysis of the social 
origin of Negroes who have been in the forefront of the 
movement pressing the Negro's case for first-class citizenship 
in America since 1770. The factors used by the author in 
making his analysis of the celebrated Negroes are best ex- 
pressed in his own words. He writes in the Prologue of his 
study that he examined the leaders' "family background, their 
community environment, educational influence; the role of 
accident, sources of motivation, the importance of contacts 
with sympathetic whites and prominent Negroes upon their 
development; local and regional advantages and so far as the 
data permit, . . . the social climate that favored their rise." 

The author gives perhaps the clearest systematic account 
that has been written about Negro leadership. And he shows 
that the typical Negro leader, whether slave or free, before 
1865 was an individual who struck a telling blow against 
slavery. After emancipation conditions and aspirations of the 
Negroes changed, thus enabling the aggressive Frederick 
Douglas at first and the cautious Booker T. Washington later 
to speak for the race and to articulate its hopes and expecta- 
tions. The author also shows that leadership during this 
period was closely dependent upon the collaboration and 

Book Reviews 429 

approval of whites, at first upon the white politicians and 
then upon white philanthropy to underwrite Negro schools, 
colleges, and other projects for the salvation of the Negro. 
Then, from 1900 to 1936 Negro society underwent some 
changes. The old near-unanimity as to goals and methods 
gave way to a new and characteristically American pluralism 
in pressing the Negro's case for first-class citizenship. It was 
in this period that the business of race work gravitated to 
full-time professionals. There was room, however, for leading 
Negroes to exert generalized pressure upon the color line. In 
analyzing Negro leadership from the years 1836 to 1959 
the author points out that race work became primarily 
the task of professional organizations, such as the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored People 
(NAACP) and the Urban League. He also states that individ- 
ual Negroes are exerting some direction in trying to get the 
Negro into the mainstream of American life. 

It is the author's conclusion that the Negro throughout 
our history has achieved, for the most part, his distinction 
"in the ghetto." Nevertheless, the labor of the Negro van- 
guard during the past century and a half helped to make it 
possible for a colored child born today to look forward to 
a place of pre-eminence in America when he reaches maturity. 

The work shows the result of scholarship in both style and 
research. There is an extensive "Essay on Authorities" at 
the end of the book which the author used to explore his 
subject. These studies will prove helpful to the students 
interested in reading further on the topic of Negro leaders, 
their goals and methods. 

Interesting as the style is, one might tire of reading the 
book since it is divided into three parts, each averaging 113 
pages. It perhaps would be less taxing on the reader had the 
author organized his material into short chapters covering 
the activities of Negro leaders during The Revolutionary 
Generation, 1770-1831; The Slavery Period, 1831-1865; The 
Post-Slavery Generation, 1865-1900; The Era of Booker T. 
Washington, 1900-1936; and The Age of Professional Race 

430 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Notwithstanding the possibility of the reader getting ex- 
hausted in reading the book, he will find, after completing it, 
that it was instructive reading in that it focuses attention 
upon the role of Negro leadership in the structure of Ameri- 
can democracy. 

Tinsley L. Spraggins. 

Virginia Union University. 

Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual 
Life. By Stanley M. Elkins. (Chicago: The University of 
Chicago Press. 1959. Pp. viii, 248. $4.50.) 

This study explores the question of why American Negro 
slavery was different from other slavery, its impact on the 
slave personality so severe and lasting, and the approach of 
northern and southern intellectuals to the problem of slavery 
so abstract and agressive and lacking in realistic programs 
of action. 

The status of the American slave is contrasted with his 
counterpart in the Latin American colonies of Spain and 
Portugal. Nowhere in Latin America did "such precise and 
irrevocable categories of perpetual servitude" attach to a 
slave and his offspring as in the United States. The sanctity 
of the rite of marriage of the slave was protected by law. 
The disciplinary authority of a master was limited and pre- 
cautions were taken to discover and punish excessive and 
cruel punishment of slaves. The slave's right and opportunity 
to acquire and hold property were much greater than in the 
United States. 

Professor Elkins suggests that the presence or absence of 
powerful institutions in society made an immense difference 
in the character of slavery itself. American slavery and the 
system of large-scale staple production for profit on which 
it was based developed in a society where no prior traditional 
institutions with competing claims of their own could inter- 
pose. In Latin America the very tension and balance among 
church, crown, and plantation agriculture prevented slavery 
from being carried to its ultimate extremes. 

Book Reviews 431 

The impact of American Negro slavery produced a "race 
stereotype," the childlike "Sambo," which Mr. Elkins believes 
was not the product of race or slavery as such, but of our 
own peculiar brand of slavery. He analyzes the psychologica 
literature pertaining to the Nazi concentration camps and 
concludes that "Sambo" was socially induced by essentially 
the same techniques used by the SS guard. 

The final section is an essay on intellectual attitudes toward 
slavery in the United States after 1830 which emphasizes the 
influence of the absence of clear institutional arrangements 
for channeling programs of action. 

This is a significant work. The critical review of historical 
writings on slavery with which it opens is excellent. The 
study will stir controversy. But in anticipation of this the 
author included in die appendix an essay on criticisms. Fine 
scholarship and lack of dogmatic statement characterize the 
entire book. 

William A. Settle, Jr. 

The University of Tulsa. 

The British Isles and the American Revolution: The Southern 
Plantations, 1748-1754. Volume II of The British Empire be- 
fore the American Revolution. By Lawrence Henry Gipson. 
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1960. First Borzoi Edition. 
Pp. xxxvi, 290. $8.50.) 

This book is a revision of but one volume of Professor Gip- 
son's monumental study of the British Empire before the 
American Revolutian. More than that, it is merely the second 
volume of the three comprising The British Isles and the 
American Colonies, which is the first part of that study. The 
present volume, moreover, revises a work which first appeared 
nearly a quarter of a century ago. Here Lawrence Gipson 
and his able publisher have provided us with more than a 
token revision bringing a work back into print, although this 
alone would have been welcome. We are presented with a 
genuine reworking of the older material which corrects old 
errors, improves the style, and also incorporates significant 

432 The North Carolina Historical Review 

additions to scholarship. Frequently whole pages have been 
added. The footnotes alone reflect the enormous amount of 
work which has been produced in the last twenty-four years. 

Even in this portion of the much larger work, the author's 
scope is evident. "Southern Plantations" he defines as those 
"where Negro labour was an essential element. . . ." There are 
excellent chapters discussing Virginia, Maryland, North and 
South Carolina, and Georgia. Each colony, each area is 
sharply characterized. From the continent the reader is led 
into the complexities of life and administration in the Carib- 
bean: Jamaica, Barbados, Antigua, St. Kitts, Nevis, Montser- 
rat, the Bermudas, and the Bahamas. To this section is added 
a general chapter on the sugar economy of the islands. The 
volume ends with a chapter on the Gold Coast as the pro- 
ducer of the one common element of all these colonies, the 
Negro slave. Never, in all this, does one lose sight of the 
empire as a whole. 

Readers of southern history and of colonial history alike 
will await the new conclusions of this first part of Gipson's 
work which will appear in the revised Volume III next year. 
We will also expect a continued high quality of production 
in the proposed new Volumes, X and XI, which are to con- 
clude the text. Volume XII will be a general index. 

Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 
Colorado State University. 

Samuel Vetch: Colonial Enterpriser. By G. M. Waller. (Chapel 
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1960. Pp. 311. 

Samuel Vetch was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, December 
9, 1668, and died while a prisoner for debt, in England, on 
April 30, 1732. He spent his youth on the border between 
Scotland and England, was educated in part in the Nether- 
lands, and spent all his adult life searching for fame in North 
America. Fame almost passed him by, but not quite. Now 
after more than two centuries Samuel Vetch is the subject 
of a full-length biography. 

Book Reviews 433 

The Institute of Early American History and Culture at 
Williamsburg, Virginia, has sponsored another fine book on 
colonial America. Most biographies are written about persons 
who were signal successes in at least one area of endeavor. 
G. M. Waller has selected as subject of this book a man who 
was a failure in all he attempted. Through the failures of 
Vetch, Mr. Waller has been able to furnish new insights into 
an important period of American colonial history. There is 
much of value to be found in this biography on such topics as 
English politics during the reigns of the later Stuarts, on the 
mechanics of colonial management, and on the frustrations 
which Queen Anne's War brought to the American colonies 
of England. After reading this book it is much easier to un- 
derstand why the American Revolution finally separated 
England and her American colonies. 

Mr. Waller is Professor and Head of the Department of 
History and Political Science at Butler University. He has 
done an excellent piece of research in Samuel Vetch: Colonial 
Enterpriser. This reviewer finished this biography with a 
richer understanding of the problems of English colonial 

Daniel M. McFarland. 

Atlantic Christian College. 

George Washington's Navy. By William Bell Clark. (Baton 
Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press. 1960. Pp. vii, 
275. $5.00.) 

In the fall of 1775, shortly after taking over command of 
the troops of the Continental Army, General George Wash- 
ington established his own little naval squadron for operations 
in the New England waters. Except in a few biographies 
seldom have the exploits of this naval force been mentioned, 
and outside the circle of American Revolutionary War his- 
torians or the students of naval history, little is known of this 

George Washington s Navy is an attempt by a serious stu- 
dent of Revolutionary War naval history, William Bell Clark, 

434 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

to trace the story of this interesting, aggressive little naval 
unit from the day the idea was born in 1775 to the last cruise 
in October, 1777. 

Although this naval squadron never numbered more than 
six small vessels, it was more or less able to harass the British 
supply ships heading for Boston. Several of the prize ships 
carried cargoes of powder, shoes, clothing, and food which 
certainly proved valuable to Continental armed forces. Fifty- 
five vessels were captured. Although several of these were 
"illegal" captures and some were retaken by the enemy be- 
fore reaching port, the total cargo— especially in the early 
days of the war— contributed materially to the success of the 
American operations. 

Considering the fact that there was very little able over-all 
administration of this navy, plus the fact that it operated 
under handicaps of Congress, the agents appointed by that 
body, and also General Washington, the accomplishments 
were rather remarkable. 

Much of the success and the failure at times could be con- 
tributed to the captains of these vessels. John Manley, while 
with Washington's navy, was by far the outstanding captain; 
his crew took ten prizes singlehanded, and participated in 
the capture of five others. James Mugford, who unfortunately 
lost his life early in the struggle, should not be overlooked, 
for he captured the powder ship "Hope," the greatest prize 
of all. 

It is the heroic stories of Manley and Mugford, along with 
disgraceful operations of Nicholson Broughton and John 
Selman, that make the most interesting reading. On the other 
hand the arguments and problems of the agents and the 
prize-crews seem to repetitious, although some of the ac- 
counts must be included to tell the complete story of General 
Washington's navy. 

Mr. Clark has made good use of source materials, and 
organized well, but his use of footnotes leaves something to 
be desired. 

Students of the Revolutionary War period and naval his- 
tory will find this an interesting and useful book. However, 

Book Reviews 435 

because the style of writing is not of the readable form that 
the general public will accept, and because much of the story 
not dealing with naval warfare is repetitious and without 
excitement, the book will appeal to an appreciative but 
limited group. 

William H. Wroten, Jr. 
State Teachers College, 
Salisbury, Maryland. 

The Adams-Jefferson Letters: The Complete Correspondence 
Between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John Adams. 
Edited by Lester J. Cappon. (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press. Published for the Institute of Early 
American History and Culture at Williamsburg, Va., 1959. 
Two volumes. Pp. xxxii, 280 [Volume I] ; viii, 638 [Volume II] . 
Illustrations. $12.50.) 

The year 1959, which saw the appearance of the early 
volumes of the collected works of Franklin, Clay, and Cal- 
houn as well as the beginning of a pretentious project at 
Columbia University for the publication of the works of John 
Jay, was a banner year for the production of the collected 
works of American statesmen. It is fitting, therefore, that the 
memorable correspondence of John Adams and Thomas Jef- 
ferson extending from May 16, 1777, to April 27, 1826, should 
this year have been assembled in one place along with the 
happy addition of the letters of Abigail Adams to and from 
Thomas Jefferson. These two attractive volumes represent 
the completion of a task in progress since 1948. 

The 380 letters, chronologically arranged, are divided into 
thirteen chapters each headed by an appropriate quotation 
from the correspondence and each preceded by an excellent 
introductory essay. Here the footnotes are plentiful and 
helpful but such unfortunately is not the case with the letters 
themselves, especially in the first volume which ends in 1804. 
The editor explains that since the volumes are intended for 
the general reader, it seems desirable to "simplify the editorial 
process" and thus "streamline the scholarly trappings" by 
reducing explanatory footnotes to a minimum and by iden- 

436 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tifying personal names in the index (pp. xxviii-xxix). The 
results are not wholly satisfactory but this seems the sole 
defect in an otherwise admirably executed work. 

Well over a third of the letters were written in the years 
1785-1788. Adams and Jefferson were then serving in London 
and Paris respectively at a time when the young republic 
commanded scant respect abroad. These letters have a parti- 
cular value because they cover the often neglected contribu- 
tions of the two men to our early diplomacy. Letters were 
exchanged almost weekly and each sought the aid and counsel 
of the other in dealing with such problems as commercial 
treaties, the Barbary pirates, their country's unpaid debts, 
and many other problems. Jefferson wrote in 1787 that he 
could not but "feel bewidowed" at the thought of his friend's 
"quitting Europe" (p. 172) and Adams expressed regret at 
the interruption of a correspondence which he deemed "one 
of the most agreeable Events of my life" (p. 177). He hated 
to leave Jefferson in Europe "dunned and teazed as you will 
be" adding that it would require all of his "Philosophy" to 
support him (p. 225). About forty letters passed between 
Abigail Adams and Jefferson during these three years and 
Jefferson appears to have acted almost in the role of pro- 
fessional shopper, for Mrs. Adams at times entreated him to 
secure for her in Paris gloves, silk stockings, black lace, and 
other articles. Residence in London had not appealed to her 
although she had owned to having been thrilled by a presen- 
tation of the Messiah. She looked forward to returning to 
her poultry and to her garden in New England since at the 
Court of Saint James it had been her lot to "seldom meet with 
characters so inoffensive as my Hens and chickings, or minds 
so well improved as my garden" (p. 228). Her letters with 
their originality both in expression and spelling add a delight- 
ful touch to the correspondence. 

Less than twenty letters passed between Adams and Jef- 
ferson in the 1790's. In the earlier part of the decade close 
personal contact rendered correspondence unnecessary and 
by the close of it political animosities had divided them. 
After March, 1807, the break was complete. In 1804 Mrs. 
Adams penned a rather formal letter of condolence to Jeffer- 

Book Reviews 437 

son on the death of his daughter, Mary Jefferson Eppes 
(Polly), to whom she had been devoted in earlier years. It 
was signed by "her who once took pleasure in subscribing 
Herself your Friend" (p. 269). This initiated a brief exchange 
of letters in which each tried to place the blame for the 
ruptured friendship. Adams's "midnight judges" along with 
Jefferson's sponsorship of the scu